Malabar Days

Cannanore Fort, a discussion over it's development . Part 1.

2011-02-13T16:07:00.266Z

Figure 1. Cananoor during the Dutch Period. [1] Please click on the image for a larger image.

The following article is an attempt to respond to a call for help from Sujith Kumar, a member of the Kannur Tourism Police who works at St Angelo Fort in Kannur. Sujith has developed a very good knowledge of the forts history and is trying to collect more detailed background to the forts history.

Figure 2. 2009 Google Earth Image of St Angelo Fort. Please click on image for larger version.

He regrets however his inability to access original sources of research material, and especially archives from the British period of the forts history. He asked if I had any knowledge of the existence of any maps or drawings from the period?

Could I help?

A number of maps and drawings survive of the fort at Kannur from the Portuguese and Dutch periods. [2]

An particular good one was drawn by Bellin and appeared in several 18th century books including J Van Schley's work of 1760. This is shown in Figure 1. above.

By comparing the 2009 Google Earth image in Figure 2 with the 1760 Dutch plan in Figure 1, it is easy to determine the extent of the Dutch and earlier Portuguese Fort, which is situated towards the end of the promontory. Apart from the later land filling into the bay on the eastern side of the fort, the area is very little changed since 1760, so where was the British Fort situated?

We know that the East India Company [EIC] spent a very large sum on the fort in the years after its final capture by Captain Wiseman, part of General Abercromby's force on 16th December 1790?[3]

In 1796 Walter Ewer, an EIC official from Bengal visited the Malabar and wrote a series of reports to Henry Dundas back in London. [4] The Right Honourable Henry Dundas (1742-1811), was War Secretary in William Pitts Cabinet from 1794 to 1801 and was also responsible for the colonies.

Ewer wrote the following from Tellicherry.[5]

"Cannanore. Very expensive works are carrying on at this place, tis said they will cost two lacs of Rup's & that when finished they will be useless, being commanded by high ground. I am told it is proposed to level this, the expense of which would be many lac. One half of the money expended at Tellicherry wou'd make it a strong place, besides here are storehouses, & magazines, & some thousand militia can be raised in case of need.
I mention this on the authority of the first Military Character in the Country."

The first European fort at Cannanore had originally been built by the Portuguese, and was indeed one of the very first forts that they built in India. The Portuguese had intended to trade in India and were well informed about the potential locations where the trade took place in India before they had first arrived off the coast.

The first voyage had been intended for Calicut to trade with the subjects of the Zamorin. At this period Calicut was the prime trading location, but it was also very closely connected with the Arab trading system to the Gulf, and it was this same trade that the Portuguese were attempting to redirect via Lisbon. So from the first the Muslim merchants quickly realised that the Portuguese had the potential to destroy their livelihoods.

From the earliest days the Portuguese had had relationships with the Kolattri Rajah. At first this was limited to leaving goods and merchants at the settlement. However King Emmanuel of Portugal decided to send out Don Francisco de Almeyda as his first Viceroy of all the Indies. His appointment on the 25th March 1505 included instructions to built forts at Anjediva Island, Cannanore, Cochin and Quilon.

His fleet arrived at Anjediva on the 13th September 1505 and a fort was commenced straight away. Leaving a garrison on the island De Almeyda sailed south to Cannanore arriving on the 23rd of October 1505. He landed Lorenzo de Brito with one hundred and fifty men to construct the fort, and two ships to be used to guard the site and to patrol out to sea. These were not the only Portuguese at Cannanore, some two hundred had been left behind in December 1502 by Da Gama, and some of these had probably survived.

Figure 3. Showing the fort before 1572.[6]

The first fort was probably just a palisade and ditch across the promontory. This was probably soon replaced by stone. The site is built onto a rocky outcrop and the underlying rock of a very soft red ironstone like material that hardened after exposure to air.

Figure 4. Google Earth Image marked to show suggested locations
of the Portuguese walls.
Please click on image for larger version.

The first fort was soon under attack. The Zamorin had wide spread contacts across the Muslim World and the attacks of the Portuguese pirates and fleets in the Indian Ocean was beginning to threaten the long established trading routes from India through the Arabian Gulf and the Red Sea. Communities like Muscat, Aden, Alexandria and Damascus and even Istanbul and Venice were suffering shortages of goods.

Ambassadors had travelled to Egypt and Istanbul to request help to rid the Ocean of the Portuguese. Preparations were commenced in Egypt to prepare a fleet to sail to India to attack the Portuguese. Aware of how marginal their hold was in India the Portuguese decided to abandon the Fort at Anjediva, and to concentrate at Cannanore and Cochin.

Lorenzo Almeyda brought his fleet to Cannanore on the 16th March 1506, and was soon faced with a huge enemy fleet of about two hundred and ten ships, including ones crewed by Ottoman Turkish troops. The Portuguese had of course had experience of fighting Ottoman troops before, and this was going to be far tougher than fighting the local Indian troops. A tremendous battle at sea took place in the bay immediately south of the fort. Eventually the Portuguese cannon prevailed against the allied fleet. It retreated towards Dharmapattanam as it tried to retreat, but a strong wind got up driving back towards the north.

The Muslim fleet sent messages to the Portuguese asking to be allowed to sail north unmolested, put the Portuguese refused and attacked again causing over three thousand casualties in the Muslim fleet.

Unable to prevail by sea, the Zamorin and the local Muslim's put sufficient pressure on the new Kolattiri Raja that he deserted his former allies, the Portuguese. Da Gama's former friendly Kolattiri having died, and the Portuguese had abused the Rajah's subjects by taking their ships and possessions.

Gonzalo Vaz had captured a ship near Cannanore with passes, which he claimed to be forged, plundered the ship and then had murdered the crew who were sewn up into a sail and cast into the water. The bodies had floated ashore and included those of the son in law of Mammali Marakkar one of the most important local merchants. After confronting Lorenzo de Brito to demand recompense, receiving an unsatisfactory reponse the merchant when to the Kolattiri Rajah with many supporters, and the Rajah agreed to go to war with the Portuguese. From the 27th April 1507 the fort came under siege.

The Rajah's obtained 21 cannon from the Zamorin, and forty thousand Nairs were believed to have arrived to fight in the seige. This seems unlikely due to the size of subsequent armies, but it is clear that a substantial force was involved. The Zamorin sent twenty thousand more men to assist.

Many assaults were made, and it was at this point that it became apparent that the Portuguese had made a fundamental error when they had designed the fort. The only well was situated a" bow shot" from the wall on the enemy side of the walls. Every time the Portuguese needed to draw water they had to fight for it.

This suggests that the first wall in Figure 4 above was along the line of the defences in 1507.

Eventually an engineer called Fernandez came up with the idea of driving a tunnel through the soft rock under the wall and into the shaft of the well. They were then enabled to draw water without exposing themselves.

Most of the surviving Portuguese had been wounded at least once and food was running out. Miraculously on the 15th August 1507 shoals of crabs and prawns were swept ashore by the tide, and the garrison was able to re-supply itself.

The siege went on until 27th August 1507 a relieving fleet of eleven ships under De Cunha arrived with three hundred men from Europe and were able to drive off the besiegers.

During the siege the fort had been very exposed to fire from the higher ground to the north, and this was to be an issue for the rest of its existence as an active garrison. The attackers had used bales of cotton to raise themselves up above the height of the walls so that they could fire into the interior of the fort.

As result of the experience of this siege, and in order to enclose the well and to increase the defences it was probably decided to build a second wall in Figure 4 was built outside the first wall.

The drawing in Figure 3 was published in 1572, and it shows only one wall. However the map was probably drawn many years before the print was published.

Figure 5 below comes from a Portuguese Atlas published in 1630. It is likely however that the drawing from which the engraving was done was drawn much earlier. The text refers to events in 1567, so although the date below the fort says 1505 it refers to the founding of the fort, and not the date of the map.

As the map shows a second wall and refers to events in 1567 it suggests that the second wall pre-dates 1567.

Figure 5. Portuguese atlas, 1630.

Please click on image for larger version.

In figure 5 a town can be seen to have sprung up outside the fort itself. This town was probably under what is now the Dutch fortress. It appears to extend into the older Indian town, although there is still a substantial suburb outside the walls. This suggests that the town was segregated into several communities, Portuguese, Indo Portuguese and the Muslim subjects of the Ali Rajah.

It is interesting that the guns are shown facing out to sea. This is clearly where the greatest perceived threat was seen to lie. By the 1630's Dutch & English ships were beginning to pose a serious threat to the Portuguese settlements, and this threat is probably why these cannons have been mounted facing out to sea.

This poses an interesting question. Was the Portuguese printer re-using an older engraving and had he decided to re-engrave it to show the situation in the years leading up to 1630, when the Dutch and English shipping arriving in the Indian Ocean had become a very real threat to the Portuguese possessions?

Figure 6. Map of the fort and town of Cannanore shortly

before about 1632

during the Portuguese period, from the

Livro das Plantas de todas as fortalezas,

by António Bocarro. [Click on for larger image]

Figure 7. Google Earth Image marked up with suggested

extent of the Portuguese settlement before it's destruction by the Dutch.

[Click on image for larger version]

Working from Figure 6, and by using proportions, it is possible to mark up a modern satellite photo with an approximate line of where the two outer suburbs of the Portuguese settlement might have been situated.

Ancient property boundaries are often preserved long after the original reasons for their existence has gone.

I believe that the northern boundary of the Portuguese settlement where it met the territory controlled by the Ali Rajah or Bibi of Arrakal has been preserved down to the present day along the route taken by the Portuguese Walls. There was probably a ditch between the wall and the edge of the Arrakal settlement.

The original Portuguese fort was quite small, and would only have had a limited garrison. This would have required the fort to be built with as short a set of walls as possible. During the siege it had become apparent that these walls guarded too small and area of ground, leaving the access to the well exposed.

A second set of walls was built, enclosing the well.

As the settlement grew the population increased and required more space for housing.

Most of the new population will have been Indian's or the offspring of Indo-Portuguese marriages or concubinage. These offspring may have been regarded as insufficiently trusted to be allowed to live in the fort itself, but had to be provided with protection, so that the outer township developed within a third set of walls.

By inspection of spot heights on Google Earth it appears that the average elevation of the fort was 8 metres above sea level. The land rises up to about 15 metres above sea level to the north.

Initially this had not mattered as the potential Indian adversaries had only limited access to cannon. They were unlikely to have weapons capable of doing serious damage to the fort walls.

However, as the 16th Century wore on cannon became both more numerous and effective. The advent of Dutch and English shipping in the area opened up the possibility of attacks on the original fort from the north.

The outer wall in Figure 7 sits almost exactly at the top of the slope climbing up from the fort. By having an outer wall and suburb the Portuguese had strengthened the original fort.

For most likely scenario's against Indian forces the Medieval style walls would be sufficient against most attacks.

In the event of an insurrection amongst the Indo-Portuguese, or a successful attack on the town, the Portuguese themselves could fall back onto the fort, to await rescue by sea from one of the other settlements.

Figure 8. Portuguese Map of Cananor town.

from Plantas das Cidades de Fortalezas

da conquista da India Oriental by

João Teixeira Albernaz circa 1630
[Click on image for larger version]

I have been unable to date the map of the town of Cannanore shown in Figure 8, which appears to show an earlier fort inside the town lived in by the Ali Rajah's subjects, that pre-dated the arrival of the Portuguese.

This fort might have belonged to this family, or it may have been a trading post inside the town.

It was quite common for map makers at this period to re-engrave using information from much earlier maps.

I believe that it is just possible that this map may show the situation in the period not long after the Portuguese arrived, and before they became sufficiently powerful to overawe the Muslim rulers into allowing them to extend their settlement from the fort and to build walls that run out towards the existing settlement.

Figure 9. Google Earth Image showing the same area

that is shown in Figure 8. above. The modern town

appears to have much the same street pattern as the

16th Century one.

[Click on image for larger version]

If you have access to Portuguese or Dutch material about the fort at Kannur, I would be very pleased to hear from you. It is quite possible that I have missed important points, or may have misidentified maps, ad dates of maps. If you can narrow down the dates or origins of these maps, I would be very pleased to hear from you.

It is unlikely that very much remains of the original Indo-Portuguese town that was demolished by the Dutch. This would be especially true close to the old fort, because it is known that the area was scarped and re-worked both by the Dutch and later British to clear fields of fire.

It is also very probable that the fabric of the old Portuguese walls was robbed out to provide materials for later building works. It would still be very interesting to field walk the area to the north and east of the site old town, as it is quite possible that demolition materials, debris and the remains of buildings may remain at or near the surface of the ground.

As it is quite likely to be several years before, I am able to go back to Kannur, I would be fascinated if you are able to find remains.

In my next blog I will go on to explore the Dutch period of occupation of the fort.

[1] Bellin's plan of Cananore, by Prevost, from Frances Pritchett's website. [http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00routesdata/1700_1799/malabar/cananore/cananore.html

[2] See the following website for a particularly good collection http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00routesdata/1700_1799/malabar/cananore
[3] Malabar Manual, by William Logan, volume 1, page 443.
[4] IOR H/438 Papers of Walter Ewer.
[5] IOR H/438 folio 147.
[6] Source: http://historic-cities.huji.ac.il/india/cannanore/maps/braun_hogenberg_I_54_3.html
(downloaded Feb. 2006)
"From Braun and Hogenberg, Civitates Orbis Terrarum I 54. Date: first Latin edition of volume I was published in 1572. After: an unidentified Portuguese manuscript."
[7] From Biblioteca Pública de Évora's photostream, see http://www.flickr.com/photos/bibliotecapublicaevora/ which contains many very interesting maps of forts in Asia during the Portuguese colonial period.

Cheapness of Children at Malabar.

2010-06-02T21:12:00.003Z

The following article taken from a book published in 1858, includes an account of the sale of children in Malabar. In this case desperate parents faced with famine or food shortage are selling their children to European's.

It is not possible to date the account, but other accounts in the book can be dated, and these appear to be up to 50 years older than the book.

"He depicts the melancholy effects of a famine, caused by a real scarcity of rice, or sometimes an artificial one, contrived by the native government. An ordinary consequence is, to see mothers offering to sell their children, and fathers both wife and children. But it should seem that the bonds of relationship among these devotees to Seeva, have a slightness that gives way to a much less violent force than that of the last extremities of famine :—"

" Malabar children are generally a cheap commodity at Anjengo. At the end of the rainy season, when there was no particular scarcity in the interior country, I purchased a boy and girl, of about eight or nine years of age, as a present to a lady at Bombay, for leas money than a couple of pigs in England. I bought the young couple, laid in two months provision of rice and salt-fish for their voyage, and gave each of them four changes of cotton garments, all for the sum of twenty rupees, or fifty shillings. English humanity must not pass a censure on this transaction : it was a happy purchase for the children ; they were relieved from hunger and nakedness, and sent to an amiable mistress, who brought them up tenderly, and, on leaving India, provided for their future comfort ; whereas, had I refused to buy them, they would assuredly have been sold to another, and probably have experienced a miserable bondage with some native Portuguese Christian, whom we do not reckon among the most merciful task-masters."

"A circumstance of this kind happened to myself. Sitting one morning in my verandah, a young fish-woman brought a basket of mullets for sale ; while the servant was disposing of them, she asked me to purchase a fine boy, two years of age, then in her arms. On my upbraiding her for want of maternal affection, she replied with a smile, that she expected another in a few weeks, and as she could not manage two, she made me the first offer of her boy, whom she would part with for a rupee. She came a few days afterwards, with a basket of fish, but had just sold her child to Signor Manoel Rodriguez, the Portuguese linguist; who, though a man of property and a Christian, had thought it necessary to lower the price to half a rupee. Thus did this young woman, without remorse, dispose of an only child for fifteen pence."[1]

It is also not entirely clear where these events took place. However the East India Company had employed a family of Portuguese linguists at Tellicherry called Rodriques, over three generations. The earliest one was Pedro Rodriques who was working for the EIC by 1753. This son Domingo was active by the 1780's and had managed to make sufficient money by trade, that he had acquired an estate at Calay.

This estate which lay outside Tellicherry had had to be abandoned during the wars with Hyder and Tipu in the 1780's. When the EIC and their Nair allies drove Tipu's army away, the EIC claimed the land.

Pedro's grandson Marco Antonio Rodriques tried to reclaim the property during the 1792 Malabar Commission. It is possible Signor Manoel described in the quote above was from this family. It is possible he was Marco's son.

In 1830 Thomas Hervey Baber wrote a description of how in 1803 he was offered two children for sale by a man he encountered by the road, whilst out riding one day.
The Commissions Report mentions that many slaves were sourced from the Alleppey and Travancore districts for sale to the French settlement at Mahé and to Dutch settlements.

[1] Fosteriana, consisting of thoughts, reflections, and criticisms, of John ... page 288.
By John Foster published in 1858. Although this book was published in 1858 the texts which are quoted in the book appear to date back between 50 and 75 years earlier than the published date.

Capture of the Woodcote & Raymond in Tellicherry Roads, 1798

2010-05-31T11:53:00.004Z

Tellicherry Beach, from the graveyard below the fort.
The action described below occurred just beyond the rocks in the middle distance.
Please click on this image for a larger version.

If you stand today in the churchyard at Thalaserry and look out to sea, the view is generally peaceful, and there is little to disturb the ones view besides the passing of the small local fishing vessels, on their way out to sea or back, on their way to the fish market.

This has not always been the case however.

On Friday 19th April 1798, the bay was the scene of a fierce battle fought between a French privateer and two East India Company ships, the Raymond and the Woodcote.

The Raymond (993 tonnes) had been launched in 1781 and was on its sixth voyage to India, whilst the Woodcote (802 tonnes) was slightly younger, having been launched in 1786, and had made 4 voyages.

The Woodcote and the Princess Amelia had been part of a convoy from Bombay that had left that port on or shortly before the 5th of April bound for Tellicherry with supplies and men.

Captain Smedley commanding the Raymond arrived at Tellicherry on the morning of the 19th of April.

Raymond Indiamen.

Accounts from the coast of Malabar, of the 21st April, mention, that on the afternoon of the preceding day, a French frigate had stood into Tellicherry Roads; and, after a short action, captured the Hon. Company's ship Woodcote, then at anchor in the Roads. At the time of the capture, the Company's ship Raymond was standing into Tellicherry Roads: she was immediately attacked by the frigate, and, after a short and ineffectual resistance, was taken possession of by the enemy. About six o'clock, the frigate, accompanied by her prizes, made sail, and stood out to sea, steering S.W. The Raymond had on board a cargo, which, with the ship, is valued at twelve lacks of rupees; she had also a quantity of specie on board, not included in the estimate. Admiral Rainier had sailed from Tellicherry Roads on the 16th ult. The enemy had captured a ship belonging to the Queen of Cannanore, previous to falling in with the Indiamen; from which ship they received the information of their being in the Roads of Tellicherry.

May 1798.[1]

The French Frigate that had done all the damage was La Preneuse. This powerful 46 gun frigate had been operating out of Isle de France attacking British shipping for several years.

"La Preneuse is well known in the Eastern seas, and is now the largest ship of war the French have left on that station, being a similar frigate to La Forte, captured by the much lamented Captain Cooke, late of his Majesty's ship La Sybille. She belongs to the Mauritius squadron, and has done more damage to our trade than any ship the enemy had in that quarter. She captured the Raymond and Woodcote Indiamen in Tellicherry Roads, in April 1798, besides many other vessels of considerable value.

La Prenense had on board when she captured the above ships, forty-six guns, viz. thirty twenty-four pounders, eight nines, and eight thirty-eight pound carronades, with about 400 men."[2]

The following very interesting French account of the action was written soon after the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1818.

Le 8 mars, les ambassadeurs de Tippoo partirent avec les volontaires pour Mangalore, sur la frégate la Preneuse, et cette mission fournit au capitaine L'hermitte une nouvelle occasion de se signaler et de causer des dommages à l'ennemi. Après une courte relâche à l'île de la Réunion, pour y embarquer les volontaires de cette île et compléter les vivres de la frégate, cet officier se dirigea vers la côte de Malabar. Sa traversée, qui fut près de quarante jours, n'offrit rien de remarquable.

Le 18 avril, étant près de l'île Caroli, l'une des Laquedives, la Preneuse arrêta un bâtiment indien parti depuis trois jours de Cananore. Le patron de ce navire, qui fut relâché parce qu'il coulait bas d'eau, rendit compte que deux vaisseaux de la compagnie des Indes étaient, à Tellichery, occupés a charger du poivre. Le capitaine L'hermitte conçut le projet de s'emparer de ces bâtimens. Il vint, en conséquence, prendre connaissance de la côte de Malabar, le 20 avril, près de Tellichery ; mais il ne vit dans cette rade qu'un, seul bâtiment, au lieu de deux qu'il devait y avoir, suivant le rapport qui lui avait été fait. La frégate passa le reste du jour et une partie du lendemain à croiser le long de la côte, sous pavillon anglais.

Une pirogue que l'on prit le matin du 21, confirma que le bâtiment mouillé sous Tellichery était un vaisseau de la compagnie qui chargeait du poivre, et ajouta qu'il portait vingt-six canons de 12 en batterie, et qu'il avait un fort équipage, dont cent cinquante Européens faisaient partie. A une heure de l'après-midi, on découvrit un grand navire à trois mâts, qui venait toutes voiles dehors chercher le mouillage de Tellichery. Le capitaine L'hermitte, après l'avoir reconnu pour vaisseau de la compagnie, diminua de voiles et manœuvra de manière à ce qu'il mouillât avant la Preneuse.

A deux heures et demie, un orage terrible se déclara, et à trois heures le tonnerre tomba sur la pomme du grand mât de la Preneuse. Il descendit tout le long de ce mât jusque dans la cale, où il mit le feu, remonta ensuite dans la batterie et sortit par un sabord. Un homme fut tué roide dans la batterie , quinze ou seize autres plus ou moins grièvement blessés. Le capitaine L'hermitte lui-même fut renversé, et s'imagina d'autant plus facilement être blessé, que les éclats de bois enlevés du grand mât par la foudre et qui volèrent en ce moment, lui firent croire que c'était le vaisseau qu'il avait près de lui qui lui envoyait sa bordée. Ce qu'on peut regarder comme très-extraordinaire, c'est que , dans cette circonstance où tout était disposé a bord pour le combat, aucun, artifice, aucune gargousse n'ait pris feu, et qu'il ne soit pas parti un seul canon.

L'état du grand mât de la Preneuse obligea de serrer toutes les voiles qu'il portait, et le peu qu'il en resta dehors servit le dessein qu'avait le capitaine L'hermitte de laisser arriver le vaisseau ennemi au mouillage avant lui. Un peu avant quatre heures, ce bâtiment vint jeter l'ancre a cent brasses de celui qui était déja en rade depuis quelques jours. Le capitaine L'hermitte fit alors gouverner droit entre les deux, et il s'avança avec sa batterie armée des deux bords, résolu, aussitôt la première bordée lâchée, d'enlever un des deux vaisseaux à l'abordage.

Arrivée au milieu des deux navires ennemis, la Preneuse arbora les couleurs francaises, et envoya une bordée a celui qui venait de mouiller. Ce vaisseau riposta de toute la sienne, coupa son câble et largua ses voiles, dans l'intention de se jeter a la côte. L'autre, par sa position, ne put envoyer à la frégate francaise que deux ou trois coups de canon et un grand nombre de coups de fusil; mais le capitaine L'hermite ayant manœuvré pour l'aborder, en faisant sur lui un feu terrible de mousqueterie, son équipage évacua les gaillards. La Preneuse, canonnaut toujours l'autre vaisseau, se trouvait présenter le travers a la poupe de celui-ci, lorsque le capitaine anglais, redoutant l'effet d'un bordée envoyée dans cette position, coupa avec son sabre la drisse du pavillon, demandant quartier a grands cris. On lui intima l'ordre de venir i1 bord de la Preneuse avec ses officiers, ce qu'il fit sur-le- champ'.

Le second vaisseau ne se défendait que faiblement, cherchant à se jeter a la côte sous les batteries de Tellichery, qui tiraient des boulets et des bombes sur la frégate française. Il fut, malgré cela, bientôt joint et contraint d'amener son pavillon.

Ces vaisseaux appartenaient tous deux à la compagnie des Indes, et étaient du port de neuf cents tonneaux. Le premier s'appelait le Woodcott, et l'autre le Raymond. Leur capture donna à la république plus de six cents prisonniers, dont la moitié Européens, parce que le Raymond avait, en Océan indien, outre de son équipage, une partie des soldats de deux bataillons des troupes de la compagnie avec leurs drapeaux, qui furent remis au capitaine français. On trouva à bord du Woodcott deux caisses de roupies.

Embarrassé de ses nombreux prisonniers , le capitaine L'hermitte conclut avec le colonel anglais commandant a Tellichery une convention, par laquelle les officiers, soldats et marins pris s'engagèrent à ne point servir contre la république jusqu'à parfait échange contre un pareil nombre de Français. La première chose dont il s'occupa ensuite fut d'équiper ses prises; cela fait, il les expédia pour l'Ile-de- France, où elles arrivèrent heureusement.

Ce coup de main du capitaine L'hermitte sous Tellichery ne retarda pas beaucoup sa mission: il arriva à Mangalore le 24 avril. Il débarqua sur-le-champ les ambassadeurs de Tippoo et les volontaires français, et, après avoir passé deux jours seulement dans cette rade, il eu partit, et fut rejoindre, vers la mi-juin, à Java , l'amiral Sercey, qui venait d'y arriver sur la Br1lle-Gueule, avec l'intention d'établir son quartier-général dans cette île.[3]

Tellicherry Bay, showing the location of the battle, in about 1778. By Forbes, Published in 1818. Click click on picture for larger image.

Most East India Company ships carried only the minimum of crew, and these crews had often been denuded of experienced sailors in Indian waters because of forced recruiting by press gangs sent aboard by Royal Navy ships operating on the India station, leaving them shorthanded if they had to operate their guns.

La Preneuse was carrying an especially important set of passengers on this voyage, in the shape of two ambassadors from Tipu Sultan returning from an embassy to the French authorities on the Isle de France. These ambassadors had been trying to gain support for Tipu Sultan from the French, in his struggle against the growing power of the East India Company, and to co-ordinate plans for future joint operations between the French and Tipu's forces.

The activities of these two ambassadors was of the greatest concern to the East India Company governors and officials in India, because Tipu Sultan was the only force in being left in India at this time capable of opposing the East India Company. If Tipu could draw in French technical support the situation in India might easily become be critical.

Embarking from Isle de France on the 7th of March 1798, with one hundred French offices and fifty private soldiers to act as instructors and advisors to Tipu Sultan's army, La Preneuse was bound for Mangalore which Tipu controlled at this time.

Monsieur L'hermitte,(1766-1826) Captain of the La Preneuse[4]

Unwittingly, the captain of the La Preneuse Monsieur l'Hermitte [5]was to provide the English with a pretext and reason to resume their attack on Tipu Sultan, which led to the fall of Seringapatam in 1799.

The ambassadors left a particularly good account of the action in Tellicherry Bay.

The ship on which we were, arriving near the Lacadives, took a patamar, in which there were some Malabar men; and we asked from whence they came? they said,from Cannanore : We asked what news there was from Tellicherry, and whether there were any English ships there or not? they replied, that there were two ships there, the Raymond and Woodcote. Immediately on hearing this news, the patamar was released, and the ship was steered towards Tellicherry. Every body, however, objected; observing, that as the vakeels were on board, it would be improper to go to Tellicherry for the purpose of fighting. The captain of the ship replied, that after receiving accounts of the English ship, should he not go in quest of them, he should be highly culpable, and deserve to be put to death : he would, therefore, by no means acquiesce.

Accordingly, on Friday the 19th of April 1798, we arrived at Tellicherry,and found one ship at anchor there. Near the evening another ship had come into the road of Tellicherry, when on a sudden, a violent storm arose, and the lightning striking the ship, she was dashed to pieces on the shore—one man was killed by a stroke of the lightning, and eight were wounded.

At this time another English ship, which had come from Bombay, made her appearance, and entering the roads of the port, came to an anchor. Neither of the ships had yet furled their sails, when the French ship, on board of which we were, went in between the two English ships which were in the roads of Tellicherry, and came to an anchor. She called out to each of these ships to haul down their colours; upon which both ships fire off their guns, and an engagement ensued. The ship which had been previously at anchor,struck her colours, and the one which had come from Bombay, getting up her anchor, was making off; but she was also taken and brought back.

Passing by the fort and battery, the two prizes and our own ship, were anchored in the river (or sea.) The number of the prisoners, chiefs and others, taken in the prizes, amounted to about 500 Europeans. Having put our own men on board their ships, we confined their crews on board our own ship.

In the morning, a Sirdar came on board our ship from Tellicherry, and a French Sirdar set off for Tellicherry. What conferences were held by them, or what arrangement they made, we did not ascertain : some few of the English were detained, and the remainder were set at liberty. Both the prizes were dispatched to the island of Mauritius. We heard that the two ships were worth five lacks of rupees, and that the goods, money, effects, and different articles, were valued at five lacks. The remaining persons having been sent off to Tellicherry, the next day we weighed anchor, and pursued the route to Courial.[6][7]

The loss of these two ships was played down by the British at this time, and although the voyage is covered in great detail in many of the accounts of the renewed outbreak of hostilities with Tipu Sultan, authors like Sir John Malcolm however fail to mention it at all.

Other authors like Christopher Biden writing in 1830, in his book Naval Discipline... says

H. C. S. Raymond and Woodcot and La Preueuse. 1798. The Company's ships Raymond and Woodcot were surprised, in Tellicherry-Roads, and captured by La Preneuse, French frigate, which ran in between the Indiamen, under English colours, then at anchor, engaged on both sides, and, after as much resistance as the one ship, receiving cargo, the other just come to an anchor, and taken by surprise, could make, they struck their colours.[8]

This suggests that the French captain used a ruse de guerre, to get close to the English ships, before opening fire. Indeed this was a method that Captain l'Hermite was to employ at Algoa Bay during the following year, in an unsuccessful attack on shipping at anchor in that bay. So whilst it would have been in keeping with the captain's way of operating, it was not uncommon for the Royal Navy at that time to have used the same tactic in other cutting out operations.

There was an especially large crew on board the Woodcote because she had just rescued the Captain and crew of the HEIC Ship Princess Amelia which had caught fire off Cannanore, on the 5th of April 1798.

"CHRONICLE FOR MAY 1798.

Lost of the Princess Amelia,
to Robert Richards, Esq. Secretary to Government, Bombay.

With extreme sorrow I acquaint you, for the information of the Hon. Governor in Council, that the Hon. Company's ship the Princess Amelia caught fire on the 5th of April, at one o'clock in the morning, off Cannanore, in the after-hold; and, notwithstanding every exertion, was entirely in flames, fore and aft, in a quarter of an hour, and every soul obliged to jump over-board. Nothing of any description was saved from the ftip, except the people of whom I inclose you a list. I have not been able to trace any circumftance that might lead to true origin of this dreadful accident. I shiould have come back to Bombay myself, but am exceedingly ill; and if I did, I might not be in time to save the season to England, which I think I ought to reach with all possible expedition, to give the Hon. Court of Directors an account of this melancholy accident. Mr. Vautier, the purser, who arrives with this, and to endeavour to get copies of the owners' accounts, will use his utmost endeavours to join me again on the coast.

I am, Sir,

Your most obedient Servant, John Ramsden.
Ship Woodcote, April 5, 1798.

List of the Crew saved from the Princess Amelia.

Mr. J. Ramsden, commander
Mr W. Fairley, chief officer
Mr. R. H. Brown, 2d do.
Mr. J. March, 3d do.
Mr. J. Locke, 4th do.
Mr. J. J. Vautier, purser
Mr. C. Dakers, surgeon
Mr. W. Schoot, surgeon's-mate
Mr J. Farrington, boatswain
Mr. J. Braham, boatswain's-mate
Mr. T. Potter, do.
Mr. J. Petney, quarter-master
Mr. T. Hoskins, do.
Mr. J. McKinnon, do.
Mr. S. Sayer, carpenter
Mr. T. Howell, carpenter's-mate
Mr. J. Thompson, Ship's-steward
Mr. M. Florence, sailmaker
Mr. T. Dunkin, gunners-mate
Mr. N. Hughes, midshipman
Mr. G. Frith, do.
Mr. Т. Dunkley, butcher
Mr. C. Meffo, ship's cook
Mr. W. Barneld, late surgeon's-mate
Mr. J. Mathews
J. Poole, J. Gabriel, A. Behrons, D. Zhan, F. Gunkell, W. Hornburg, O. Shaumburg, J Krug, J. Burke, S. Shandley, N. Smith, J. Kelley, T, O'Hara, J. Nalemate, G. Nalemate G. Recardo,J. Ember, A. Josea, J. Ferrara, A. de Cruz, J. Pedro, T. Gunn, P.Green,W. Fairbrother, G. Hughes, M. Dickenson, W. Brown, J. Ryan, H.Nail, J. Carrol, J. Harrison, H. Land, S,Hughes, T. Watson, J. Swift, R.Gatty, P. Obury, S. Sayer, E. Worsley, W. Colthurst, J. Campbell, and J. Myers, seamen.

Passengers saved.

Miss Dick, Major Conran. Captains Evans and Torrians. Lieutenants Savage, Burdett, Stanney, Gilbert, Moreland, Martin, Elphinstone, and Brown. Serjeants Hum, Mathews, Darby, Smith, Sloper, Moor, Kelley, Jefferys, Pool, Harding, Frazer, and Nevill. Corporals Garrel, Burns, Wild, Campbell, Wethers, Winwood, Henby, Colins, and Mackenzie. Privates, Fox, Simpson, Jones, Phillips, Hammond, Helegfelt, Rees, Rully, Moloney, Kelly, Wilks, Coburne, Whittane, Bhoomer, Cullen, and Grimming. Conductors, Hasty and Ryan, 2 followers, 2 wometen, 2 bullock-wallahs, 14 lafcars belonging to the ship, and Miss Dick's female servant and a boy.

TOTAL NUMBER SAVED.
Ship's company .......... 80
Passengers ...............59
189

List af the Crew drowned.

Mr. Millet, 5th officer

J. Stamp, captain's steward
J. Barber, gunner
J. Nances, cooper
R. Davis, cooper's-mate
J. Cook, baker
F. Hall, captain's servant
T. Smith, surgeon's ditto
R . Fidgetts, carpenter's boy
B. Wood, gunner's ditto
J. May, C. Legnam, J. Bony, W. Sedgewick, J. Murphy, and A. Josea, seamen.

Passengers drowned.

Master Selby. Serjeants Cannick, Bodycoat, and Tedence. Corporals Nicholls. Brett, Welwood, Ruson, Double, апd Wiggins; 9 women, 1 follower, 1 Dutchman, 3 women, 1 child.

TOTAL NUMBER LOST.

Ship's company ........... 16
Passengers...... . ....... 24
40
(Signed)J. Ramsden[8]

It is quite probable that many of these passengers and crew from the Princess Amelia would still have been aboard the Woodcote when the French frigate hove into the bay. For many of the survivors of the Princess Amelia, there was to be a second highly traumatic event just two weeks after their escape from the fire.

The fire must have been clearly visible to many of the inhabitants of Tellicherry who would have been able to see to Cannanore, as would have also been the case during the capture of the Woodcote and the Raymond.

Amongst those prisoners taken from the Woodcote and Raymond was Captain Smedley. He appears to have been well looked after aboard La Preneuse, as he was to give evidence that he had seen a copy of the treaty between the French on Isle de France, and Tipu Sultan on the wall of the captain's cabin.

No. IX.

From Governor Duncan. Mr Lord, Bombay, 23rd May, 1/98.

I beg leave, on the occasion of this first communication, to assure your lordship that it's not having been earlier has Certainly proceeded from no other motive than a reluctance to appear forwardly intrusive on your lordship's time, having otherwise little else to impart than what will have much sooner reached you through the correspondence of the Commissioners in Malabar and of the Board here, with the Government of Fort St. George, and with the acting Governor-General; nor have our lastest advices from the coast tended hitherto to throw any satisfactory light on what may he the Sultan's intentions, but should he have been induced to more peaceable councils, so fortunate a change must, no doubt, have been the happy effect of the influence of your lordship's opportune arrival, and of its consequences.

Being still, however, uncertain here as to the event, I think your lordship may consider as meriting some degree of attention, the following memoranda, collected from such information as could be furnished by Captain Smedley and the officers of the Raymond, from the opportunities they had whilst in company with their captors of deriving insight into the views of the French as connected with Tippoo; all which seems but too corroborative of the other indications on the same subject, which were such as to have induced us very earnestly to convey all the knowledge we possessed on the subject to the Admiral, with the hope of thereby frustrating the arrival of succours to Tippoo by the way of Mangalore, as might, no doubt, have been ensured but for the early departure of the Suffolk and Arrogant to the other coast, which was immediately followed by the surprise and capture of our Indiamen, the loss from which to the Company will not, including the Amelia destroyed by fire, exceed four lacks and thirty thousand rupees, instead of the very large amount which by the newspapers it appears to have been understood to amount to on the other side of India, and we have taken measures to provide against the recurrence of such a misfortune by fixing the seat of the commercial residency at Cannanore, under the guns of which fortress several Indiamen may at a time, or separately, find effectual protection from any enemy.

With the best wishes for the success and honour of your lordship's administration, and the sincerest desire to contribute towards it by every exertion that in my station I can make, as well as thence to merit and enjoy the gratification of your lordship's correspondence and advice. I have the honor to be,

My Lord,

Your Lordship's very obedient humble servant,
John Duncan.

The Rt. Hon. the Earl of Mornington, K. P. [10]

La Preneuse herself sailed on from Tellicherry to Mangalore arriving and disembarking both the ambassadors and the French officers and advisers.

With the evident defenceless of the shipping in Tellicherry anchorage clearly demonstrated, a decision was taken to move the settlements main function to Cannanore, and with this began the steady decline of Tellicherry, as the garrison moved away to Cannanore.

La Preneuse would meet with her own destruction on the 11th of December 1799, when HMS Tremendous, 74 guns, under Captain John Osborne, and 50 gun ship Adamant under Captain William Hotham, would trap her whilst cruising off Port Louis on the Isle De France. She was run aground on the western shore of the River Tombeau about 3 miles from Port Louis, when she was set on fire and destroyed.

The sinking of La Preneuse by Auguste Mayeur[11]

A possibly more accurate print of the same action is shown below.

Combat et destruction de la Frigate la Preneuse [12]

[1] From the Asiatic Annual Register, or a view of the History of Hindustan, for the year 1799. Published 1801. Translation of the Narrative of Mohammed Ibrahim, one of the Ambassadors despatched by Tippoo Sultaun to the Isle de France in 1797. Page 175 - 196.
[2] The Naval Chronicle, Published 1800, volume III, page 411-412.
[3] Victoires, conquêtes, désastres, revers et guerres civiles des Français: published in 1818,by Charles-Théodore Beauvais, Charles-Nicolas Beauvais, Jacques Philippe Voïart, Ambroise Tardieu, Page 303.
[4] See http://www.etab.ac-caen.fr/lebrun/histoire/affiche.php?choix=49 for an excellent article on the history of this very effective French naval officer.
[5] From Naval Biography; or Memoirs of the Services of all the Flag-Officers, etc. published 1829, page 169.
[6] From the Asiatic Annual Register, or a view of the History of Hindustan, for the year 1799. Published 1801.Page 193.
[7] Courial was the French (and Tipu Sultan's?) name for Mangalore.
[8] Naval Discipline, Subordination Contrasted With Insubordination; or, a view of the Necessity for Passing a Law etc. etc. Christopher Biden, Published 1830, page 212.
[9] From the Asiatic Annual Register, or a view of the History of Hindustan, for the year 1799. Published 1801.Page 3.
[10] The Despatches, Minutes, and Correspondence, of the Marquess Wellesley. by Montgomery Martin, 1836. Page 41.
[11] From http://www.peguesthouses.co.za/portelizabeth_history.htm, with the story of the battle of Algoa Bay and La Preneuse eventual destruction at Port St Louis.
[12] From http://historic-marine-france.com/gravures/garneray.htm

"Ferocity .. characteristic of the cast of Nairs" 1799

2010-05-31T10:52:00.004Z

Like many insurgencies the war against the Pazhassi Raja was a brutal one, with both sides on occasion taking heavy losses.

Later accounts published in the 19th Century tend to picture the British winning battles over the various Indian forces with comparative ease.

This was often not in fact the case, and as the following news paper account makes clear the insurgents were often able to inflict heavy casualties onto the East India Company forces.

From the Whitehall Evening Post
Saturday, July 20, to Tuesday, July 23, 1799.

Authentic Particulars respecting the primary Rupture with the COTIOTE RAJAH, recently received from India. Captain Bowman and Lieutenant Bond were sent with a detachment to take possession of a stronghold near Cootungarry, and were decoyed by a Hircarrah,[1] employed on the occasion, into a narrow defile, where a strong party of Nairs in ambuscade, availing themselves of the disadvantageous situation of the detachment, and their mode of attack, beset the party with a ferocity peculiarly their own, when Captain Bowman and Lieutenant Bond were almost immediately over powered and killed. Several Sepoys were also killed and wounded on the spot. Captain Lawrence, on hearing the report of the musquetry, proceeded, with all possible expedition, at the head of a body of grenadiers, towards the succour and support of Captain Bowman’s detachment: but having experienced a similar breach of faith in his guide, was also attacked in the same defile: but, after a warm and fortunate resistance, effected his retreat, and took post in a pagoda the whole night and part of the next day, hemmed in by upwards of a thousand of the Rajah’s troops.

Captain Troy, who had been employed in mustering the Native troops, and Captain Shean, on his return from a visit, fell in with a party of these sanguinary savages, who, having surrounded them, coolly and unprovokedly put the first to death, and wounded the latter in a shocking and barbarous manner. It would appear, from the foregoing circumstances that the inhuman wretches chiefly aimed at the destruction of the Officers: but particularly from their subsequent barbarity, the bodies of Capt. Troy and Lieutenant Bond having been since found decapitated; their heads, as it is supposed, having been sent to the Rajah – the copse of Captain Bowman was snatched from a similar fate of so many Officers, in being cut off from their relations and friends in this cruel and insidious manner, cannot be too much lamented, and furnishes a melancholy example of the inherent ferocity which has ever been characteristic of the cast of Nairs.

I cannot locate any other sources for this action, or indeed details of these officers. It is almost as if they have been edited out of the record.

I would be very grateful if you are able to recognise any of the people in the account, or can tell me anything about their lives or units before this defeat cut short their lives.

Where is "Cootungarry?"

I would like to thank Dr Oliver Noone for bringing this newspaper account to my notice.

[1] Hircarrah, variant of HURCARRA, HIRCARA , &c., s. Hind. harkārā, 'a messenger, a courier; an emissary, a spy' (Wilson). The etymology, according to the same authority, is har, 'every,' kār, 'business.' The word became very familiar in the Gilchristian spelling Hurkaru, from the existence of a Calcutta newspaper bearing that title (Bengal Hurkaru, generally enunciated by non Indians as Hurkĕroó), for the first 60 years of last century, or thereabouts. Courtesy of Hobson Jobson. See http://dsal.uchicago.edu/dictionaries/hobsonjobson/

"Indian Atrocities."

2010-05-31T09:10:00.007Z

Not all of the British Officers approved of the way the East India Company had conducted wars in India.

Many of them must have suffered badly from the constant strain of fighting these wars, and many of them must have returned home to Britain seriously ill and with a very uncertain future.

In 1805, Post Traumatic Stress Disorder had not even been considered, and yet it must have existed.

Here is a very different account of what it had been like to fight the Pazhassi Raja, from those generally presented in publications from this period.

The following account written by George Strachan in 1817 paints a grim picture of the reality behind the war with the Raja. —

The details with which I have promised to finish you on the subject of my ten year-servitude in the northern peninsula of India, I hereby commence.

In 1790, at the age of 17, I was appointed a Cadet on the Bombay establishment with about seventy Cadets of the same Season. Of these there are not above twenty of the establishment, who have survived the effects of a noxious climate, and the fatigues of that hateful service of which I was engaged. In 1800, I was appointed senior Ensign of the Bombay European regiment, then engaged in the Cotiote war, where in less than ten years that regiment lost not less than twenty-five Officers out of thirty, and eight hundred men out of the full complement of one thousand. In 1801, I was promoted to be Lieutenant, and transferred to the 4d battalion, 3d native regiment engaged on the same service. The mortality was not less than in the former corps. Here I shall beg leave to describe the nature of the Cotiote war.—A more cruel and vindictive system of proscription was never practised by the most barbarous nation towards its foe, than that which was employed by the Bombay Government towards the Rajah of the Cotiote, hitherto the staunch ally, friend, and tributary, of the Company. Those facts, with which I became acquainted, have never been presented in any shape to the public eye. Indeed the bye-laws of the company would have made it almost treason in any of their servants to have exposed the secrets of the cruel system of extirpation, pursued towards this inoffending people, who from time immemorial had led a life of primitive and pastoral simplicity, attached to their sovereign by every motive of moral and religious obligation, to a degree of enthusiasm surpassing that of any other race of men, under a monarchical government, since the world began.

The Cotiote is that part of the Malabar coast which is between the sea-shore, and the Bella Ghaut mountain inland from Calicut, Tillichery, and Cairaone. It is for the most part covered with jungles or forests, interspersed with fruitful vallies, and in many places with impenetrable thickets, in which the ferocious tiger and other wild beasts entrench themselves in safety from the pursuit of man. It is about forty miles in breadth and sixty in length. Its produce — pepper, rice, and vegetables. Its population, now extinct, did not originally exceed 6000 men of the cast or tribe, called Nairs. This warlike people, determined to perish in the cause of their oppressed sovereign. And such was the dear bought victory obtained over them, that we lost in a contest which lasted ten years nearly as many men as our victims; till hunted down like beasts of prey, this race of brave men (who had been proclaimed rebels) were at length extirpated by fire and sword from the face of the earth. Nothing now remains of this people save the country which they inhabited, and that is become a barren and uncultivated desert The Bullum Rajah is the sovereign of another nation, bordering upon the Cotiote, which was at nearly the same time devoted to proscription and hunted down in like manner under the late General Stevenson, of the Madras cavalry.

The Cotiote war was terminated by the late Colonel Montresore, of the 80th regiment, in 1804, when, as if to throw a veil over these transactions; the Malabar coast was transferred to the Madras Government, who now occupy it.

The Cotiote Rajah had previously assisted the Company in their war with Hyder Ally, and furnished 1000 armed men, who distinguished themselves under our banners, in expelling Hyder from the possession of Саnnanore. ' Ungrateful as the treatment this high-minded prince and people -afterwards experienced from their European neighbours, to whom they supplied the whole produce of their cultivation, the 'task of recording their sufferings- in the heart rending scenes of cold-blooded slaughter, which this picturesque country every were presented to our view, is nevertheless painful to me. It fell to my lot, with a detachment of Sepoys, to command at Pyche, the Rajah's capital, whence he had been expelled; not one of his subjects had remained behind, but they had taken up arms, and followed his desperate fortunes in the field. Thus was I enabled to detail those atrocities, at the relation of which Englishmen here at home must be horror -struck, and to which they can scarcely give credit: but the facts related defy contradiction, and can be attested by respectable persons, lately arrived in England, who were also engaged in that campaign.

This brave but fugitive Indian Prince was alternatively attacking or retreating from the detachments in pursuit of him through the forests. Sometimes in one of these rencontres we have lost 800 men. His force being dispersed, he had taken refuge in one lone house, with not above 10 or 12 armed followers. These chose rather to be cut to pieces than surrender, and thus favoured his escape, fighting sword in hand till they fell to a man in defence of his person. This was at a time when a large reward and pardon were offered to his subjects if they would discover his retreat, in order to lead to his decapitation ; otherwise no quarter was given. Their towns, houses, and fields of standing corn, were burnt down. On every rising ground and road-side, 20 or 30 bodies were seen hanging to a gibbet, and some promiscuously upon trees. The prisoners taken were either immediately so disposed of, or shot and bayoneted upon the spot ; and such was the spirit of desperate resistance and despair manifested on the part of this unhappy people, that, unnatural as it may appear, they actually cut the throats of their own wives and children, ¡n order to prevent their falling into our bands.

The Canute Nambier, and 'others of his nobles, having been taken prisoners, were ordered for execution. Captain J--, a brother officer and valuable friend of mine, now in England, was commanded to see that order enforced. That Gentleman, in a letter I received from him on the occasion, which does honour to the liberal sentiments of his mind, described this reluctant duty with horror and pity, though mixed with admiration at the heroic firmness of those noble Indians. They faithfully adhered to their Sovereign down to the awful moment of yielding up their lives in his cause. The offer held out to them by the British Government was, a free pardon and an ample reward, provided they would discover the Rajah's retreat!

These terms were, even in their last moments, rejected with indignation. They voluntarily stretched out their hands to receive the rope, and putting it round their necks, were launched into another World, which to them afforded a nobler reward, and a brighter hope."[1]

It is not easy to find much about the life and career of George Strachan. In 1817 he was described as "Mr George Strachan - formerly a lieutenant Bombay Establishment in consideration of his extreme poverty and distress."

He was granted a political pension of £50 per year. This amount was very small. Retiring Major's could expect about £400 a year.

It is probable that Strachan had chosen quite deliberately to get his piece published by the Examiner, in order to embarrass the East India Company.

This paper had a Radical viewpoint and had been established in 1808 by John Hunt. Both John and his brother Leigh were to serve time in Surrey County Gaol for an attack on the Prince Regent in 1813. The Hunts were visited by Byron, John Moore, Lord Brougham and Charles Lamb. [2]

Three years later the EIC would prepare a copy minute on the request of George Strachan, late Lt 3rd Bombay NI, to be restored to the service. [3]

[1] Published in the Examiner Volume 9, for the year 1818. Page 594 and 595.
[2] See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leigh_Hunt
[3] Military Department Special Collections: Collection 14a IOR/L/MIL/5/377, Coll 14a 1820

The Development of the Forts at Tellicherry 1750 to 1780

2010-05-09T19:49:00.007Z

Figure 1. Tellicherry drawn from the sea by Mr Herbert before about 1780. Published by A Dalrymple in 1790.
Please click on this image for a larger version.

The following is a description of a visit made by Abraham Parsons to Tellicherry, who had left Bombay on 7^th December 1775 and sailed south along the coast to Malabar, contains one of the best descriptions of the forts at Tellicherry in the late 18th Century that I have found so far.

This has enabled me to provisionally locate two more of the outlying forts surrounding Tellicherry.

"About three or four leagues to the south of Cananore is Tellicherry, the only settlement belonging to the English East India Company on this coast, where there is an English garrison; the other places being only comptoirs by permission of Hyder Ally, the sovereign.

The English are lords of Tellicherry and the district dependant on it, which reaches but a very little way, either within land, or to the north or south on the sea-coast; yet is quite sufficient for the intended purpose of trade. Here is a good fort, with strong walls, well garrisoned, with convenient houses for the chief, and the gentlemen of the factory, within the walls. That of the chief in particular is not only large, but a superb building ; it is situated on the same mount with the adjoining castle, and overlooks and commands the adjacent country and sea shore.

On a summit, about a mile to the south of the fort, is a small castle, called Mile End, where a sufficient guard is kept, and where the little dominion of Tellicherry terminates. It is so near the northern limit of the French settlement called Mahee, that the centinels hear each other give the parole."

The proximity of Mile End Fort to the French forts in Mahé can easily be seen from the following panorama drawn from the mast of a ship, anchored off the coast of Tellicherry in about 1775.

Figure 2. The coast between Tellicherry Fort and Mahé. Mile End Fort can be seen one mile south of the main fort. The border with the French settlement at Mahé can be seen less than a third of a mile away, with a small French fort on the hill at the extreme right of this image.
Please click on the image for a larger version.

This image and the following one were drawn from ships sailing along the coast and were intended to enable ships arriving on the coast to identify where they had arrived at. The views from the masts of ships, fore shorten the distances, and have the effect of bring the Ghats closer to the shore than they appear from the shore itself. The ships officers who made these drawings used compasses and other instruments to set out their elevations, and as a result the pictures are very accurate.

Figure 3. Mile End Fort.Showing its location on top of a small hill next to the shore.

Abraham Parson's attention then turns to the area to the north of the main fort, that survives in the middle of Thalassery today.

"A little way to the north of Tellicherry is a block-house with cannon mounted, surrounded by a stone wall; between the wall and block-house there is a deep foss. The block-house stands very high; there is but one entrance into it, which is by a very long and narrow wooden ladder, wide enough to permit one man to pass at a time. On the whole, Tellicherry is so well fortified, that Hyder Ally, during the last war with the English, did not think proper to attack this settlement. We staid here four days."

Figure 4. "The Coast Below Mr Brenner's House"[1] This photo was taken between 1855 and 1860 and it probably shows the rear face of the blockhouse to the north of the fort, described by Abraham Parsons in 1775.

I have not been able to locate the exact location of this northern blockhouse, but it was located where Edward Brennan's house came down to the shore. This must be very close to Overbury's Folly.

The following aerial image shows a tree covered rectangular site on the shore above rocks which may be the ones shown in the following picture. If you are in Thalassery and you read this blog, I would be fascinated to learn if my hunch is correct.

Figure 5. Possible location of the northern blockhouse
shown on a Google Earth Image of the coast.

Parson's left the town shortly afterwards on his journey south.

"December the 2d. We departed and proceeded to the southward, and kept at such a distance from the shore as not to distinguish any town, except the French settlement called Mahee, which is so near that it may be almost said to join."[2]

Figure 6. A French map from the 1780's showing the border between the Tellicherry Settlement at Mile End and the French Forts along their northern boundary.

On January 18th in the following year Parsons returned north by ship calling in at Tellicherry once again. He left the following detailed description of the town.

"The town of Tellicherry is well peopled, and they carry on an extensive inland and foreign trade. Most ships from China and Bengal, (which, are bound to Goa, Bombay or Surat) touch here, and dispose of part of their cargoes, which is mostly resold to the inhabitants of the towns within land, who make a return in the produce of the country, such as ginger, pepper, areka nuts, cocoa nuts, and their oil kyah ropes and yarn, and cotton cloth, which is very good and cheap : they have here a particular kind of towels, esteemed the best in India. Here are many Portuguese merchants, who who seem to engross most of the trade, and resell or export on their own account with great advantage, as many of them are rich; some few of the natives are also wealthy. There are here two towns, one bordering on the sea coast, and the other in the wood : the principal inhabitants of the former are Portuguese, those of the latter natives. Between the town and the fort is an extensive and airy open place, which affords an agreeable walk in the cool of the evening. On one side is a pleasant garden belonging to the chief, where the gentlemen of the factory sometimes pass a little time in walking in the evening. The chief has likewise a small garden adjoining his house, well kept, and amply stocked with flowers. There is a charming shady ride through the wood, where the chief and other gentlemen of the factory often take an airing in the evening on horseback, or in an open chaise, riding round the limits of their little territory from the fort to the southern boundary, the fort at Mile End, near which is an agreeable spot, where they usually meet to alight and converse : the whole extent of this agreeable ride does not exceed five miles.

Some few friends having a desire to visit the French settlement called Mahie, I was invited to be of the party. We left Tellicherry fort at four in the afternoon, and arrived at the French governor's (Monsieur Pico's) house, in the fort at Mahie, at seven. He had no intimation of our coming: however, as one of the company was acquainted with him, he introduced the rest, and we were kindly received. We had not day-light sufficient to-examine the place, as we wished for, though we made good use of our time; we were only able to walk about the which is pleasantly and strongly situated on an eminence. I am told that there are near two hundred cannon mounted in the fort and the adjacent works. The town we had not time to go to. This is the only French settlement on this side India, that at Surat, where the French have a consul, being only a comptoir, by permission of the English. We supped with the governor, and several of the principal gentlemen of the settlement, and at eleven set out for Tellichery, where we arrived at two in the morning. We were carried to and from Mahie in what they call here a doodle, which is like a hanging cot, used for sleeping on board of ships; they are stretched at length, and each end fastened to a long and large bamboo cane, which is carried on the shoulders of two men, who travel at the rate of four miles an hour, or more. Provisions of all kinds are good and reasonable at Tellicherry, the sea furnishing them with plenty of fish of many sorts. The oysters here are the largest and best of any on the coast of Malabar. Here our little convoy increased greatly, with whom we departed in the morning of the 24th of January."

Figure 7. Google Earth Image showing the probable location of the Mile End Fort, with the two 1730's French posts nearby.

Figure 8. Close up image of the probable site of the Mile End Fort,which is currently occupied by a water tower.

The outlying fortifications around Tellicherry seem to have been demolished during the 19th Century, but it is quite likely that at the site of the former fort at Mile End at least some of the footings or demolition rubble may still be present on this small hill around the water tower.

Has anybody ever visited the site?

[1]From photos in the Basel Mission Collection, preserved at the University of Southern California. This photo was taken by Christian Richter at some point between 1855 and 1860. See http://bmpix.org/bmpix/controller/view/impa-m34478.html
"An interesting part of the coast near the open space, which fives a good impression of the character of the coast. The overgrown platform belongs to the property of the deceased Mr. Brenner, Master Attendant of Tellicherry [reading of the last part of this sentence uncertain]. If you use your imagination you can see, in the tree hanging over the edge of the platform the sharp profile of an American Indian." (C.G. Richter's 3. Quarterly report 06.10.1860: 5)
[2] Travels in Asia and Africa; A Journey from Scanderoon to Aleppo, and over the Desert to Baghdad and Basra, by Abraham Parsons. Published 1808. Pages 226 & 227
[3] A general collection of voyages and travel, digested by J. Pinkerton.Pages 233 & 234.

Sacrifice Rock

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Sacrifice Rock or Velliyamkallu, as drawn by officers aboard East India Company
ships during the 18th Century.

These drawings were then used to inform sailors where they were on the coast of India. Many ships arriving at this part of the coast had last sighted land at the Cape of Good Hope, and often they had only had Dead Reckoning to sail by.

It was important as soon as they saw the Indian Coast ahead that they could work out where exactly on that coast they had made landfall.

Tellicherry in the 1850.

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Figure 1. A photograph taken in about 1900 showing houses to the north of the Tellicherry Fort lived in by senior officials, including possibly the Master Attendant described below. Please click on this and subsequent images for a larger version.

The following fascinating account of life in Tellicherry appears in a magazine published in England in 1854 called "The Home Friend, A Weekly Miscellany of Amusement etc."

Sadly, I cannot identify the author of the article, but it is possible from events described in the article to date his visit to 1850.

"Tellicherry is a pretty little straggling town on the sea-coast of Malabar, between the considerable military cantonment of Cananore and the French settlement Mahe or Mai. It may be said to consist of two, divisions or parts; the flat ground constituting Tellicherry Proper, and the high ground, or cliffs, called Deramapatam. We were on two separate occasions for several months resident at Tellicherry, and are consequently familiar with every nook and corner in it.

Tellicherry Proper, or the town of Tellicherry, is built on a low ground, almost on a level with the sea. The town consists of some two hundred irregularly-built European houses; the bazaars; the marketplace; a few so-called shops; an immense prison, built on a lofty bastion facing the sea, which prison includes the dens for criminals and the debtors' gaol, comprising also a lunatic asylum; the Zillah Court, and a species of chapel. Besides these, there is a Catholic chapel and a Protestant church, and the burial-grounds of both creeds, situated on a high mound nearly overhanging the sea. Outside of the town itself, and between it and Deramapatam, are a few straggling country-houses, and the court-house of the now no longer existing judges of circuit, who were three in number, besides the registrar. Beyond these, again, runs a rapid and deep stream, over which a couple of ferry-boats are continually plying; and on the other side of the stream rise the lofty cliffs and high tableland which constitutes that portion of Tellicherry styled by the natives Durhamupatnum, consisting of a few scattered villages, occupied almost exclusively by native fishermen, and two immense mansions, more like palaces than private houses, and heretofore the residence of two of the judges stationed at Tellicherry.

We will, if the reader pleases, imagine ourselves on board of the large Bombay China-ship, the ' Lowjee Family,' or if you object to that name, the ' Pestonjee Bomanjee[1],' just coming to an anchor in the roadstead to land some passengers and a few mess stores for the troops in the immediate interior, and then proceed on her voyage to China.

The morning is bright and cloudless; the water as smooth as a millpond, and the fine fresh land-wind that has favoured us all night, fast dying away to give place to the approaching sea-breeze, whose advent is clearly perceptible on the distant blue horizon, now richly spangled with the foaming bubbles of the sportive waves. This is one great blessing to the mariner that navigates the coast of Malabar; he is never at a loss far a favourable wind, either going-up or coming down the coast. The land and sea breezes are regular to their time, the space intervening between the departure of the one and the arrival of the other being just all sufficient for the requisite alterations in trimming the sails. Captains acquainted with the coast stand off the land about an hour before daybreak, the dawn appearing throughout the year within not many minutes' difference of the usual time, about a quarter to six, and at about ten A.M. they get beyond the influence of the land-wind and into the approaching sea-breeze. This they carry with them the whole day; and towards evening again the vessel stands in towards the laud to avail itself of the night shore-winds. These are regular, excepting during the two monsoons, at which period vessels rarely approach within sight of the land."

Figure 2. The shoreline below Tellicherry Fort, from a photograph dating to about 1900. One of the large houses referred to in this article, is quite probably the large white building seen in this photo.

The author then goes on to describe the journey through the surf from the ship to the shore.

This was the way that the vast majority of European visitors to Tellicherry arrived. By 1850 Tellicherry had lost most of its importance, so there were far fewer ships arriving than in earlier days, and Tellicherry was now mainly a stop over on a journey into the interior, often to Ootacamund in order to restore ones health in the cooler climate found in the Nilgiris.

"The anchor is gone, the sails are furled, the boat lowered; the jolly, good-natured skipper, with a huge bundle of papers and letters under one arm, an umbrella under the other, and a pocket-book full of bills of lading held firmly between his teeth, slides rapidly over the vessel's side into the boat, takes up his position in the stern-sheets, and away we go, under his skilful steering, safe and sound through the foaming surf, notwithstanding the many "crabs," to use a nautical expression, that the three young apprentices catch while rowing us on shore, sadly to their own discomfort, and not much to our own convenience, as we get splashed from head to toe with salt water: however, the heat of the sun soon dries us again, and no one allows himself to be put out by such a trifling circumstance, except a dirty-looking old Italian friar, who, as he has confidentially informed us himself more than once upon the voyage, looks upon the silly custom of bathing the body as very deleterious to the health in hot climates ; in confirmation of which startling announcement he solemnly affirms that, with the exception of his hands and feet and face, no water has touched any part of him for the last forty years, and that he has enjoyed uninterrupted health during that long period. We are not sorry to get rid of our dirty friend on landing; and so soon as we set foot on shore we are beset with hospitable invitations, and almost hauled by main force into half-a-dozen separate tonjons.[2]

There are no such things as hotels at Tellicherry, nor, indeed, at any of the up-country stations; for the English residents are, with a very few exceptions, princes of hospitality, and everybody knows everybody in the Madras Presidency.

The master-attendant's house commands an extensive view of the surrounding ocean. It is a neatly-built edifice, comprising every imaginable comfort, and an extensive and carefully-laid-out garden—all his own property, and has been his own property ever since he was first appointed, which was somewhere about the year 1790—a long period to remain at one place; and if anything argues in favour of the climate, it is the appearance of the old gentleman, who looks as fresh as any of oar country squires, and is as hearty and jolly as though he were only just in the prime of life, instead of being an octogenarian ; no man better able or more willing to give a stranger every assistance and useful information. From his house we proceed first to the Protestant burial ground, which is situated immediately on the left-hand side after passing the gates of the master-attendant's compound. The churchyard also commands an extensive view of the sea. Here are many tombstones of antiquated date, looking as new as the day they were first completed; whilst others, comparatively modern, were utterly neglected and in ruins, the inscriptions being barely legible. The sun shines brightly over the graves of the slumbering multitude, and the sea-breeze sports merrily with the tall rank grass as we quit this solemn place, and proceed to a still more gloomy memento of the wages of sin, even in life—this is the prison before alluded to. The outside looks dingy and wretched enough, and now we pass under the guarded gateway, and mount the apparently interminable stone steps, narrow and dark and damp, and in many parts much worn and slippery. Gradually your eyes get accustomed to the obscure light, and you then discover that these steps have at least one advantage, that of being kept perfectly clean, for they are washed and swept regularly, morning and evening. The heavy clanking of the chains of the criminals now reaches the attentive ear; a sudden turning brings you into the full glow of glorious daylight; you pass another arch with a massive iron door, also strictly guarded, and find yourself in an extensive arena, enclosed on three sides by very lofty buildings, and on the fourth (the side facing the town) a strongly-built, stupendous wall. Passing in regular order through the place, we come first to the court-house of the Zillah judge; but to get to it we must first mount a broad flight of not less than forty stone steps. Here we find an extensive, airy room, at the head of which, railed off from the plebeian herd of half-caste Portuguese and native writers and clerks, are the desks of the judge, the registrar, the pundit, and other officers of the court. Prisoners in the custody of multifarious peons—their accusers, and the witnesses on both sides—are quietly waiting for the coming of the judge, and beguiling the time by chatting with each other on terms of the greatest familiarity and apparent friendship, the prisoners entering into the gist of the argument with all the nonchalance imaginable, though many amongst them are Thugs, those Burkists of India. Their conversation is confined to that one all-absorbing topic amongst the Indians, money."

Figure 3. The Gateway into the Fort. Photo Courtesy of Lindsay Gething

Our traveller goes on to visit the old gaol situated inside the Fort. The building used to house the gaol also acted as the court house at this time.

"The court itself is in a delightfully-cool position, having several windows facing the sea, all of which, however, -are secured with massive iron bars. Adjoining the court-house is a room, sometimes used as a chapel. We look in en passant, and see a few rough, wooden benches, half-a-dozen chairs, and a large accumulation of dust. The chaplain at Cananore occasionally visits Tellicherry, and sometimes one of the judges performs Divine service: on such occasions this room is in requisition, as the church is all crumbling to ruins. Coming down the steps again we proceed on our visit of inspection; and the first thing that attracts attention, from the noisy hilarity going on inside, is the debtors' prison. We peep through the bars of an iron window, and are gratified with a sight of the occupants, who chiefly consist of natives, with perhaps a few lamentably-poor black Portuguese. Most of them are playing at a species of Indian draughts, using, instead of a board, a cloth patchwork, in the shape of a perfect cross, every square of which is of a different colour ; the draughtsmen are painted green and red, and they substitute cowry shells for dice. On the whole they are very happy and contented, for they can take exercise in the yard, and are allowed to cook their own victuals; and eating, drinking, and sleeping are just what suit their constitutions to a nicety. They are entirely supported by their wives and families; and in one respect all Orientals surpass Europeans—I mean in a feeling of pity for their poor and distressed connections, whom they never suffer to want so long as they have the wherewithal to support them. Next in order, we visit the dens allotted to criminals; and it requires no physiognomist to interpret the crimes and brutalities of which the greater mass of those here confined have been guilty. Such as have already been adjudged to different terms of imprisonment and hard labour, arc working, shackled separately or by couples, on the high roads, or else erecting or repairing public edifices. Those within the walls during the day are such as are awaiting some opportunity to convey them to the penal settlements in the Straits of Malacca, or those that have not yet been tried and sentenced by the Superior Court. In a ward, separated from the men, are the female criminals, also under sentence of transportation, or awaiting their trial. Some amongst these are perhaps guilty of crimes even more atrocious than those committed by the worst of male criminals; for as many women are hung in India for murder as there are men punished in a like manner for a similar offence."

Figure 4. The building inside the fort at Tellicherry that used to hold the gaol described in the article. The court was on the upper floor, and the cells below. The photo was taken during restoration in 2006.

In the following paragraph the author describes a lunatic asylum situated inside the fort. The East India Company correspondence suggests that there was an asylum in Tellicherry as early as 1795 but it doesn't say where or who went into it, but it must have been a deeply depressing place.

"Now let us hurry along from these sad spectacles. Next to the criminals' cell is the lunatic asylum, as you may guess by the bellowing of one unfortunate inmate, who imagines himself a' bull. Then there is the hospital, and then the condemned cells; and then we hurry down the steps again, and are thankful to find ourselves breathing a purer atmosphere—a breeze untainted by crimes and misery.

We enter the street; they are not very famous ones, but still they admit of a carriage or two passing abreast. The houses are mostly one story high, of a great variety of shapes and colours, according with the tastes of the various proprietors; and each house has a small compound attached to it, which is securely walled in all round. In the compound are the outhouses, such as the kitchen, stables, etc., a sprinkling of flowers, a few fruit-trees, a duck-pond, a well, and a pacottah, a species of seesaw machine, on which two men balance each other, or both balance themselves against the water, drawn up in a large leathern bag, which, as soon as it reaches the surface of the well, is capsized into a reservoir by an attendant imp, the son of one of the balancers. As soon as the reservoir is filled the men descend, and, taking out the plug from the reservoir, the water is conducted by aqueducts all over the garden, which is watered twice a-day throughout the year, except during the heavy rains. This practice extends all over the Madras Presidency.

Having watched their proceedings for a few minutes, we walk on. The yellow house with the yellow railings and thickly-set marigolds and sunflowers is the property of Mr. Jose de Silva, whose ancestors were originally white Portuguese, but intermarrying with natives some generations before Mr. Jose's birth, that gentleman, much to his discomfort, is decidedly black. He is head cashier to the Circuit Court, and his favourite colour is yellow—hence the colour of his house, his railing, and the flowers he most patronises: the two young ladies, his daughters, are also of the same tinge, and so is his palanquin, his tonjon, and his bundy, or cab; and if such a thing as a bright yellow horse could be had for his money, he would not mind standing a couple of thousand rupees; for the old fellow is quite a Croesus for Tellicherry, though he does go to office every week-day in a very faded suit of nankeen, and a wretchedly bad hat— things that you could never believe him guilty of, if you chanced to meet him at chapel of a Sunday, or when he is receiving a select circle at home on feast days.

The red house next to his belongs to another Portuguese, who is something in the revenue department, and who has a thorough contempt of his neighbours in the judicial line, considering the collectorate the only respectable service in India, and so on."

Figure 5. Typical house in the part of Tellicherry formerly inhabited mainly by Indo-Portuguese. Photo Courtesy of Lindsay Gething.

The area of Tellicherry immediately south of the fort, and extending about one mile south along the beach, and extending for 200 or 300 yards inland had been the home of the Indo Portuguese community in Tellicherry for over a hundred years before our visitor walked through its shady lanes. This community had been established in the town from the earliest days of the settlements history. The earlier Portuguese had been the translators for the East India Company, and had acted as middlemen in all of their proceedings with the local Indian Rajah's.

With Hyder and Tipu Sultan's invasions, the original community had grown rapidly with many Portuguese and Indo Portuguese refugees from other settlements along the coast moving into the town.

We pass a variety of gaudily-painted houses, all, with very few exceptions, the property of wealthy half-castes and Portuguese, who form a class of society amongst themselves, give dinners and evening parties, balls and social suppers, discuss politics, talk law, hatch scandal, and are painfully addicted to fiddles. You can scarce pass through the streets of a night for the villainous discord that fills the air, resounding from shockingly bad scrapers.

There is a fine esplanade just outside of the town, which juts out like a little promontory into the sea. At the extreme end rises a solitary tree, under the shade of which some benign individual in times past constructed a bench; and this extreme point is designated, in the topography of Tellicherry, Scandal Point. Here, in the cool of the evening, the Tellicherians promenade to and fro, and when fatigued repose.

The English residents at Tellicherry were at all times very few, but of late years their numbers have been grievously diminished by the abolition of the circuit court, and the consequent removal of the three sessions judges, the registrar, and their families. The few residing at Tellicherry when I was last there were on terms of the greatest intimacy. In the town itself resided the sub-collector, the Zillah judge, the lieutenant commanding the detachment, and the master-attendant; along the seashore resided the doctor, and one or two other families; and on the other side of the ferry, in Deramapatam, in the only house then habitable (the other one where I had resided on a former occasion having fallen in), Mr. B., one of the judges of the circuit court, the friend with whom I was staying. We had occasional reunions, which were very agreeable, as the ladies of our society, though few, were very accomplished musicians, and one or two of them sang admirably.

Tellicherry is famous in a commercial view for the vast quantities of pepper that the district yields, most of which is dried for shipment on the spot. Cardamums thrive here also, and the cinnamon-tree exists. Fruits, vegetables, and poultry are abundant and cheap, and the market is perfectly overstocked with fish and shell-fish. Amongst the fruit produced at Tellicherry there is a species, rare even there, and which I never met with in any other part of the world that I have visited—the natives called it the " Jumma Malak." The fruit was as large as a good-sized peach, and very much resembled one in shape; but the great beauty of it consisted in its complexion, if I may use such a term, which was of the most delicate white straw colour, with pale, rose-coloured cheeks. It had, like the peach, a kernel, was almost transparent, and its flavour a something between the mango and the mangostein. A tree which yielded fruit plentifully grew in the garden attached to the sub-collector's house. This tree grows to a considerable height above the ordinary run of mangotrees ; and its leaves resemble those of the mango.

Off Deramapatam, near the sea-beach that runs under the cliffs, there are extensive oyster-beds; and many a day have I—bread, pepper, and vinegar in one hand, and an oyster-knife in the other—waded through the waves to these rocks at low-water, and feasted to my heart's content on oysters, fresh from the bed. On one or two occasions I chanced to come across a pearl oyster, but the pearls were small and of little value.

The climate of Tellicherry,especially Deramapatam, is very healthy, and the houses are built so as to exclude damp during the monsoon seasons. The thunder-storms along the whole coast are terrific, though I never heard of a single accident resulting from them.

The native population of Tellicherry consists of the Moplays, Nayars, Malgalams, and the Clings, or Pariahs, from Madras. There are also a few Mahometans and Brahmins, some Malabars of high caste, a few Gentoos, and three or four Parsees. Of these, by far the most fanatical and lawless is the Moplays, who are chiefly merchants, and whose unquenchable hatred to the English has on several occasions displayed itself; on one, especially, about the district of Mangalore. where, not further back than last year, a young officer of the 43rd regiment Madras native infantry was, in endeavouring to quell an insurrection, assassinated by these ruthless people, the Sepoys having ignominiously fled, leaving their officer single-handed to contend against an overwhelming force.

The young officer from the 43rd Regiment whose death is described here is almost certainly Ensign Wyse. On the 25th of August 1849 Torangal Unniyan killed another Indian called Paditodi Teyyunni, and then with four other men went off to join a band of Dacoits led by Attan Gurikkal. This man was the son of an earlier Dacoit or insurgent, and he seems to have been leader of a number of determined individuals.

It is not clear if his intentions were entirely criminal, or whether he had other political motives as well. On the 26th of August they killed a servant belonging to Marat Nambutiri, and two other individuals, before entering a Hindu Temple at Majeri. They set the temple on fire after defiling it.

A detachment of the 43rd Native Infantry Regiment under Captain Watt set out from Malapuram to Manjeri, with a plan to attack the insurgents in the temple on the 28th of August.

Ensign Wyse and his company were sent to attack the temple across some paddy fields, where the rebels who numbered about 32 men were holed up.

Mr. Collett, the Assistant Magistrate and a reserve force had remained on a nearby hill which had the Taluk Cutcherry on it to await events.

As Wyse and his men approached the temple the rebels came rushing out of the temple, and although Wyse was able to kill the first man who reached him, he and four others were killed.

As Mr. Collett wrote in his report, written later that day,

"Others now came down upon Ensign Wyse, and I am informed that one of them seized him by the jacket and he received a wound, when he appears to have fallen and was of course quickly put to death: but by this time three of the insurgents had fallen, and now those men in the detachment who alone had emulated their officer, fell, one of them having first gallantly bayonetted the man who gave Mr. Wyse his death wound."

The event was sufficiently serious for a second party of British troops to be sent for. A detachment of Her Majesties 94th Regiment under Major Dennis was brought down from Cannanore reaching Manjeri on the 3rd of September. After another fierce battle the insurgents were killed, but only after two more privates of the 94th Regiment had been killed, and six men including two officers had been wounded.

A detailed report based on Captain Watt's court marshal appeared in Allen's Indian Mail, dated, Saturday, November 1, 1851.

"in the year 1849, a detachment of the 43rd regiment of Madras Native Infantry, consisting of about 120 men, under Capt. R. P. K. Watt, was sent to disperse a party of these fierce zealots (between sixty and seventy in number), who had committed great disorders in the neighbourhood of Calicut.

Capt. Watt pushed forward half his party in advance, under Ensign Wyse. About fifteen Moplahs rushed out from a mosque, in which they were posted, when nearly all the sepoys, though outnumbering the fanatics four to one, fired at random, and, without waiting for a collision, fled, leaving Ensign Wyse and six gallant fellows who stood by him to be cut to pieces. Capt. Watt was unable to rally the fugitives, whose panic infected the party he was bringing up, who refused to obey his orders, and' he retired to the cutcherry of the collector of the district, which, observing the state of his men, he barricaded, the petty band of fanatics being allowed to approach the cutcherry and abuse the sepoys with impunity.

A detachment of European troops (of the 94th Foot) was sent for, by whom the Moplahs were speedily routed and slain. Capt. Watt was tried by a court-martial, and found guilty of " not having taken sufficient measures to restore confidence in his men," and of allowing them to be insulted by the insurgents " without making any effort to rouse them to resistance."

The Court sentenced him to lose rank, and to be severely reprimanded,— a sentence which the Commander-in-Chief thought too lenient. The last occurrence, so similar in its circumstances, will, perhaps, raise a doubt whether Capt. Watt was not treated with an undue degree of rigour, and whether it was in his power to have "restored confidence" in his men, and animated them to resistance.

These events must still have been fresh in peoples minds when our author visited Tellicherry the following year. The insurgent band wasn't destroyed in the operation, and other Mappilla insurgents were active in October 1850 and 1851.[3]

Our author goes on to describe the other more peaceable main inhabitants of the town..

"The Nayars are tillers of the ground, and masons. Many of them are in the military service of the Rajah of Travancore. The Nair brigade, stationed at Trevandrem, is commanded by an officer in the company's army, and the other officers are mostly English. Both men and women are fair-complexioned for the East, and very handsome in figure and face; the men middle-sized and athletic, the women slim and graceful.

The Malgalams are principally fishermen, and all the other classes are tradesmen—such as shopkeepers, boatmen, coolies, domestic servants, etc. The principal shop at Tellicherry was kept by a Parsee, a leper (and I may here remark in parentheses that this fearful disorder seems to be almost exclusively confined to the Parsees both at Bombay and on the Malabar coast). The shop was scantily furnished, and the articles it contained of a very inferior quality, and exorbitantly dear. Occasionally Madras hawkers and travelling Arab merchants visited the coast; the former brought all kinds of odds and ends picked up at public auctions—such as palmerinos, books, muslins, chintzes, lavender-water, soap, &c.; the latter confined themselves to creature comforts, such as dried figs, Arabian dates, and drugs and gums of various descriptions, with an occasional valuable horse or two. But the greatest treat imaginable to us Tellicherians, quite a prize in rainy weather, was the itinerant book-hawkers, who, picking up books at every auction they attend, and being solely guided in their choice by the cheapness or the binding of the volumes, amass, in space of time, a singular collection of odd volumes— annuals, travels, religious tracts, plays, Bibles, novels, periodicals, and music, the very overhauling of which proves a vast source of amusement, and amongst which one occasionally stumbles across a valuable addition to a library.

Watching the vessels passing to and fro half a mile within the cliffs, on which the house of mine hospitable host was situated, was a pastime to the dilettanti at Tellicherry; and a stroll along the fine, sandy beach, which ran for many miles close under the cliffs, was an untiring source of amusement to the " butchas" of the family, and not less relished by some of the grown-up children. The many gaily-coloured shells which were an inestimable treasure to the baby; the scampering after legions of crabs, which we occasionally captured and more often lost; the not unfrequent wettings we got by unwarily pursuing the prey beyond the limits of prudence; the terror depicted in little missy's face, as she fled precipitately from the quick-approaching wave; the merry, clear little laugh of the youngsters to witness the utter despair of some incautious one, ankle deep in the foaming surge; the horrid dizzy sensation as the wave retreated again, causing you to all appearance to be swept back with it into the bosom of the troubled ocean, all these are scenes and recollections fresh and dear to memory, and they are some of the few scenes of past life that one loves to look back upon, and to pause and meditate during the retrospective glance.

From Tellicherry we coast along southward to Alway, near Cochin."[4]

I would very much like to identify the author, as well as the individuals named. It is quite probable that the Master Attendant referred to was Edward Brennan. However, the author must be mistaken in thinking that Brennan had been at Tellicherry since 1790, as Mr. Oakes had previously been Master Attendant for many years before his death in 1819.

Like Brennan, Oakes was also a philanthropist who devoted much of his private time and fortune to helping the poor and deprived Indian's who had settled around the inland fringes of the town in squatter camps, that had existed ever since the wars in the 1780 to 1799 period.

I would be especially keen to hear from you if yu are connected to any of the Portuguese community described in the account. It would be fascinating to learn more about the lives that community led.

[1]Pestonjee Bomanjee, a large Country built ship named after the famous Pharsee Shipbuilder of that name who was active in the Bombay dockyards until about 1817. This ship went on to transport convicts to Tasmania in 1853.
[2]Hobson Jobson gives the following for Tonjon. Forms in Hind. tāmjhām and thāmjān. The word is perhaps adopted from some trans-gangetic language. A rude contrivance of this kind in Malabar is described by Col. Welsh under the name of a 'Tellicherry chair' (ii. 40). c. 1804.-- "I had a tonjon, or open palanquin, in which I rode."
[3] William Logan, Malabar Manual, Volume 1, page 560 to 562.
[4] From the Home Friend, A Weekly Miscellany of Amusement etc; Instruction. Published in 1854.

Palakkad [or Palghat] Fort, the Early Sieges. Part 2.

2010-03-20T14:59:00.061Z

Figure 1. Palakkad or Palghat Fort.

By 1766 Hyder Ali had over reached himself in the wars he was fighting below the ghats in Malabar.

The Travancore Raja had built up the formidable Travancore Lines, a long system of earthen defensive banks, stockades and ditches that ran for many miles until they reached the Dutch forts at Cranganore.

Unable to breach these lines before the weather broke and unable to frighten the Raja into submission Hyder was forced to reconsider his options.

As the South West Monsoon swept in, Hyder had to retire inland with his main forces. This allowed the Malabar Rajah's precious time to regroup, and as the British were later to learn, it is one thing to conqueror Kerala in the dry season, but quite another to hold it through the monsoon.

Meanwhile the Nizam of Hyderabad and the Mahrattas had sensed their opportunity to attack Hyder Ali in the Deccan while his army was bogged down in Malabar.

The East India Company sent forces from the Coromandel Coast to assist in these attacks on Mysore. A bitter war commenced on several fronts that ran on from then until 1769.

During this period Palghat fell to local forces assisted by the East India Company. It is not clear when this occurred or how, but it is likely that the fort at this time was either quite weak or possibly was incomplete at the time.

It is possible that it was little more than a stockade. There is no account that I am aware of currently of its requiring a formal siege to take.

In November 1768 Hyder Ali sent a force under Fazulla Khan down the Palghat Gap in one column while he attacked EIC forces under Colonel Wood who were occupying Coimbatore and Salem.

Colonel Wood survived the campaign, but it is clear from the lack of surviving accounts that the East India Company afterwards found Wood's defeat deeply embarrassing.

Quite possibly this was because in truth the forces commanded by Colonels Wood and Smith were ridiculously small in comparison with the task they were expected to perform.

These tiny forces were spread out in tiny garrisons over a very wide area, which had little real chance of resisting Hyder's much larger forces. Colonel Wood probably had less than 1,000 men under his command in garrisons often fifty or more miles apart. They were incapable of supporting each other, and most posts had less than 100 men in each.

When news of Hyder Ali's renewal of the war and the ineffectiveness of Colonel Smith & Wood's forces reached London in May 1769, East India Company shares fell in value by 60% within a few days. [1]

The best account of these events covering much of southern India I can find comes from Wilks.

Hyder, on his return from the west, had relieved Fuzzul Oolla Khan from the command of Bangalore, and sent him to Seringapatam. The commandants of all the principal garrisons and field corps, had, in conformity to a general instruction, been employed, since the commencement of the war, in procuring new levies, which were now sufficiently instructed to take the garrison and provincial duties; and the old troops, including the respectable detachment from Malabar, had been directed to repair to Seringapatam, where Fuzzul Oolla Khan continued to be actively employed, in giving them the requisite organization and equipments, as a field force. Early in November, this officer took the field with a well-composed corps of 7,000 cavalry and infantry, and ten guns, and a command over the irregular infantry, which was intermixed with the mass of the inhabitants below the ghauts : he knew that he should be aided by the active exertions of this numerous class, and by the best wishes of a population driven to despair, by the horrible exactions of Mohammed Ali's collectors of revenue, whose system of misrule left at an humble distance all the oppression that had ever been experienced from the iron government of Hyder: but proceeding with a skilful caution, he moved towards the passes of Caveripooram and Gujjelhutty, to obtain a perfect knowledge of the number and nature of the English posts before he should attack them. At the former of these, an honest and brave Serjeant, named Hoskan, who commanded the advanced post of two companies and one gun in a ruined mud fort, repelled the attempts of Fuzzul Oolla to take it by a coup de main; and without the most remote suspicion of his perilous situation, after modestly reporting the fact to his officer, adds, with the most interesting confidence and simplicity, " I expect them again to-morrow morning in two parties with guns: I will take the guns from them with the help of God." But his confidence was disappointed, for after the post had been made a heap of ruins, it was carried by a sanguinary assault; but I am unable to satisfy the reader's anxiety for the fate of the brave serjeant. The other posts fell in succession : that at Gujjelhutty, where a Lieutenant Andrews commanded, stood two regular assaults; but he was killed in the second, and the place surrendered on the 19th of November. The troops in the pass, under the command of Captain Orton, who, until the moment of attack, continued to maintain the absurd doctrines of Colonel Wood, successively abandoned their positions and their guns, and retreated with precipitation to Satimungul; and from thence to concentrate the remaining force at Erode. Among the strange military anomalies of Colonel Wood and his coadjutor the fiscal agent of Mohammed Ah' ; the former commandant of Coimbatore, who had betrayed it to the English, was continued in the command of the irregular troops of his former garrison—as killedar of the place, exercising a joint non-descript authority, with the European officer, who commanded the regular troops. While the greater part of these were out at exercise on the 29th of November, with the willing aid of the inhabitants, he seized the occasion to massacre all those within, to shut the gates, and, assisted by a body of cavalry, who had approached for the purpose, made prisoners the men at exercise, who, as usual, had only blunt cartridges. Fuzzul Oolla Khan who had concerted the plan, waited for its accomplishment before he should descend the Gujjelhutty pass, with his main body, and immediately sent a dispatch to Hyder, to report that he should have completed his descent by the 4th of December; the treachery at Coimbatore, and a similar exploit at Denaikancota gave just cause of alarm to all those officers -whose garrisons were not exclusively composed of English sepoys; all of them being aware, that they had no means of defence. In a few days the rumour of Hyder's approach from the north was abundantly confirmed. Captain Johnson who commanded at Darapoor, with 400 faithful sepoys; made good his retreat to Trichinopoly, in the face of Fuzzul Oolla's whole force; a gallant and skilful achievement, which deservedly fixed the reputation of that respectable officer. Lieutenant Bryant who commanded at Palghaut, with a small detachment of his own sepoys, and the remaining part of the garrison, composed of Nabob's troops, and irregulars hired in the country, having certain intelligence of a plan of massacre within, and the evidence of being invested without, concerted with his faithful sepoys the means of escaping from these complicated dangers : they withdrew unperceived in the night, and following a secret path known to one of the sepoys, through the woods and mountains, to the south-west, arrived in safety at Travancore; and thence returned by Cape Comorin to the southeastern dependencies of Madras."[2],

Lieutenant Bryant's escape was probably the only course of action left open to him, as his supply routes to the east had been cut off, and the British had at that time only limited number of bases on the Malabar Coast at that time at Anjengo, and Tellicherry from which they could operate from. The countryside outside those two settlements that only extended a mile or so from the forts at each location was filled with potentially hostile enemy forces, and an armed population who were not necessarily going to be friendly.

Hyder had forces in Calicut and the surrounding districts, astride the only viable route up from the coast so that running supplies into Palghat from the west was probably not possible, even if they had been available to send.

Hyder Ali was now at the peak of his powers, and I believe that it was during the period following the recapture of the fort that it was reconstructed in stone. Perhaps Hyder had decided that he did not want to lose it a second time.

The fort as it was constructed at this time appears to have been designed to be defended by musketry and wall guns or very small cannon, below 6 pounders in size, as later surveys made in 1799 comment on the lack of embrasures for cannon and on the fact that the walls were too weak to bear even small cannons of this size unless they were upgraded and thickened.

The fort was also overlooked by several hills within 300 to 400 metres of the walls, and these hills reached heights level with or just above the tops of the walls that had been built, so it was unlikely that the forts designers expected to face European style siege warfare where 18 pounder guns capable of firing out to 500 or more metres could be expected.

It is easy to criticise the original designers for these failings, but in 1770 the English forces were still very few in number, and incapable of moving larger cannon very far inland, so it was probably a reasonable assumption to make at that time, that the fort would only have to face light infantry, most probably in the form of Nairs, and that it could therefore be defended by muskets and bows.

More puzzling is the fact that they left several deep gullies or wadis unfilled that came very close to the walls, which could have provided ready made approaches along which infantry could have approached the walls unseen.

These gullies have been subsequently filled in by the British in 1799.

We know that the walls were built of stone by 1781, and we know that the stonework was laid with the narrow or header side facing outwards. The longer side of the stones were tied into the core of the wall.

This can help us to identify the fabric of the original fort.

The robustness of the original stonework at Palghat was still remembered in 1820's by Edward Lake as being particular strong.

"If the ramparts of an Indian Fortress are of stone, the curtain should generally be battered in preference to the towers, as the shot are apt to be reflected from the latter, owing to their circular form, and the hardness of the material of which they are built. The propriety of this rule was exemplified in a remarkable way at the siege of Palghaut, in 1781, [3] where the besiegers in vain attempted to breach one of the round towers of the Fort, which was composed of very large blocks of granite, laid in the manner technically called "headers," in architecture, so as to present their ends, not their sides, to the shot. In 1790, when the Fort was again attacked, one of the curtains was breached in a few hours." [4]

Figure 2. Showing the Header Masonry Work most probably undertaken in Hyder's period.

Figure 2 shows two distinct colours of masonry block work. The stone in the retaining walls to the moat appears to be lighter in colour and to be possibly a sandstone, where as the stone work in the tower is much darker in colour. Is this from another quarry?

Or is the darker colour a response to weathering over the past 220 monsoons, where the lower work was protected by being covered in water?

If the upper gun emplacement embrasures are British what did the fort look like in 1782?

It is hard to say with certainty, and although many forts in India survive, I am unable to find many examples of forts built as late as the 1770 to 1780 period. Forts like that at Bidar do however have merlons that date from the musket period, and I believe that these enable us to get an idea of what the upper parts of the walls looked like when Colonel Humberstone arrived in April 1782.

Figure 3. Typical Merlons or Machicolations from Indian 17th Century Forts
fitted for muskets. [5]

[1] The History of England: from the Accession of King George from the Accession etc. by John Adolphus. page 353, volume I.
[2]Historical Sketches of the South of India, in an Attempt to Trace the History Of Mysoor. etc. Colonel Mark Wilks. Vol i. Pages 357 to 359.
[3] 1781 is a mistake because the next attack on the fort was that made by Colonel Humberstone took place in 1782, as will be described later.
[4]Journals of the sieges of the Madras Army, in the years 1817, 1818, and 1819 ...

By Edward Lake, published in 1825, page 321

[5] Taken from Indian Castles 1206-1526, by Konstantin Nossov and illustrated by Brian Delf, published by Osprey Publishing in 2006.

Palakkad [or Palghat] Fort] Early History 1757-1766 Part 1.

2010-03-20T10:22:00.034Z

Figure 1. Palakkad Fort, Courtesy of Google Earth. [ Please click on this image and subsequent ones for larger images.]

For anyone with an interest in forts who travels to Kerala, Palakkad or Palghat Fort has to be one of the most interesting sites to visit.

This austere and irregular fort is however also a puzzle as it is neither entirely Indian in form, nor yet is it a "European" fort. It represents a sort of fusion or transitional fort featuring aspects of both Indian and European design.

Very little is recorded in readily available sources about the fort except its capture on three occasions by the British, and recapture on two occasions by the Mysorean's, and so although I have known about the fort for several years, I could find out very little about its history.

A couple of days ago however whilst researching other forts in Thalassery and Kannur, I stumbled onto some most fascinating documents in the British Library from 1797 and 1798.

These throw new light onto the history of the fort, and enable us to date several of the features in the fort, and to even detail how much they cost to build.

Figure 2. Palakkad's strategic position.

From Figure 2, it can be seen that the fort at Palghat occupies a very important location astride almost the only pass in the entire chain of the Western Ghats that can be easily passed by a cavalry army. There are other passes at places like Periah, but these are extremely steep and in Hyder Ali's time, were limited in use to Tribals and merchants carrying goods very largely by porters on what were little more than steep footpaths.

Hyder, the new Muslim ruler of the Deccan, tried to, but failed to break the stranglehold on the East or Coromandel Coast ports, controlled by hostile French, Dutch and English Companies, he hoped to break out to the west coast by invading the predominantly Hindu states on the Malabar coast.

Trade had been carried on for centuries from ports like Cochin, Calicut, Cannanore and Ponnani by Moplah merchants to the Gulf and Red Sea. Much of this trade in precious goods had travelled through the Palghat region.

An extremely good article on the importance of the Palghat Gap to trade in southern India during the period before 1770 can be found on Manmadhan Ullattil's blog post of 20th February 2010 in his "Historic Alleys" blog. [1]

Hyder's army was a predominantly cavalry army and it was experienced in using cannons to take the many forts that were dotted across the Deccan plains.

The coastal Rajah's armies in the 18th Century Malabar region were made up almost entirely of infantry, and these were mainly recruited from a caste of warrior farmers called Nairs.

The area to the west of the crest of the Ghats was thickly covered in dense forests or marshy valleys filled with Paddy fields. It was ideal for what is now known as Guerrilla warfare.

As the East India Company was to find out for itself, any army approaching the Ghats would soon find itself being ambushed by archers concealed along the forest edge and opposed at stockades built across passes.

The Malabaris don't appear to have built forts for themselves in the way that the other Indian states had before the arrival of the Muslims from central Asia or the later European's.

They relied on the forests, rivers and swamps for protection from invasion.

With the arrival of first the Portuguese and then the Dutch these coastal rulers experienced the power of European forts. The Travancore rulers were the first to adopt forts, using captured Dutch soldiers under Eustachius De Lannoy. [2]

Hyder knew however that in order to defeat the coastal Rajah's at Calicut, Cochin and Cannanore, he would have to defeat these Rajah's European allies.

Over the previous century the European's had built up a series of coastal forts, initially to protect their trade goods as these were assembled for the annual arrival of the trading ships from Europe, but which were increasingly being used to wage war on the other European settlements or to hold down client Rajah's as the balance of power subtly changed from the European's being present in Cochin, Calicut and elsewhere on sufferance, to their increasingly dominating affairs in these settlements.

Hyder would have to bring cannon and supplies for what was going to be a protracted campaign and process of colonisation.

He was going to occupy and establish his own Empire on the coast.

Palghat Fort's earliest history is little known. Before 1757 the area was ruled by the Palghat Achchan, and was nominally under the rule of the Zamorin's of Calicut. The Zamorin's were however becoming much less powerful than they had previously been. The Palghat Achchan seems to have taken the opportunity to try to break away, and faced by a counter attack from the Zamorin he appealed for support to Hyder Ali Naik, a rising military officer in the Mysore state.

In 1756-7, the Zamorin had advanced his forces into the Palghat area seizing an area he called Naduvattam. The Palghat Raja sent a deputation to Hyder Ali who was Foujar of Dindigul, a major fort about 95 miles to the south east of the Palghat gap.

Hyder sent his brother in law Mukhdum Sahib with 2,000 horse and 5,000 infantry and some guns to Palghat and these forces were able to push down the Ponnani Valley defeating the Zamorin's army. A fine of 1,200,000 Rupees was claimed from the Zamorin, and the Zamorin tried to stop Hyder by appealing to the Mysore Court over his head. They approached Deo Raju, who sent Rajput troops under Herri Sing to try to collect the monies owed to Hyder Ali from the Zamorin. On the 19th of June Deo Raj was killed at Seringapatam, and Herri Sing was killed by a force under Mukhdum Sahib a few days later. Hyder had removed one of the last barriers to his taking over power at the Mysore Court. He also had the pretext of the unpaid indemnity to use when he next wished to invade the Malabar again.

Hyder Ali [3] first seriously came to notice of the European's on the west coast of India in January 1763, when he attacked and captured Bednur and later Mangalore. The Muslim's on the Malabar Coast had at times a difficult relationship with many of the Hindu Rajah's. As the numbers of Muslim's grew they sort to expand out from the small settlements into Hindu areas. This led to petty covert wars and even overt warfare.

The Rajah's of Travancore and Cochin and the Zamorin from Calicut were also at war with each other in 1762.

This next invasion was not long in coming. When seriously threatened the coastal Muslim communities appealed again for support from their co-religionists to Hyder Ali. At this stage there is no mention of the presence forts at Palghat.

In 1766 Hyder invaded the Malabar in force, and it was in support of this attack which affected the entire coast from Cannanore to Cochin that I believe Hyder ordered the fort at Palakkad to be built. [4]

Hyder was aware of the improved military techniques that the French in particular were bringing to India. The Mysore forces contained a number of French engineering officers familiar with cannons and artillery fortifications.

By the 15th of March 1766 Hyder's army was on the boundaries of Cannanore and Tellicherry.

They entered Mahé on the 6th of April, and entered Calicut shortly after, causing the Zamorin to commit suicide by setting his own palace on fire whilst he himself remained inside.

The army under Hyder intended to stay, and Logan says that his forces established block houses called lakkidikottas or wooden forts. Hyder's advance slowed as he approached the Travancore Lines previously built under the instruction of De Lannoy.

Hyder then sent off east to return to his home territory before the onset of the approaching monsoon. He left a force of 3,000 men on the coast supported by a force from the Ali Raja of Cannanore. An experienced official called Madanna was left to leveé contributions from the area.

Shortly after Hyder's main force had left the region a rebellion or uprising broke out in which the local Rajah's, Nairs and others rapidly over ran the smaller Mysorean garrisons and forts.

Hyder's garrisons at Calicut and Ponnani were besieged and the routes back to Coimbatore were cut so that messengers could not get through.

Reza Sahib, Hyder's local commander eventually got a message out by paying a Portuguese sailor to navigate his way overland by compass, presumably so that he could cut across country to avoid the tracks that the Nairs would have under observation.

Hyder was forced to re-invade the country that autumn during the Monsoon. The Nairs built an entrenched camp near a village called Pondiaghari, which was in the Ponnani Valley. The attack on this village was led for Hyder by a mixed group of English, Portuguese and French soldiers and renegades from their respective countries East India Company forces.

Following a bitter battle lasting many hours the stockades around the village were stormed and Nairs defeated. Following this victory a campaign of oppression and reprisal followed with many Nairs marched off to Mysore and many others forced to convert.

Returning to Mysore Hyder, mindful of the recent uprising and the cutting of communications is believed to have instructed his officers to build the fort at Palghat.

In the next part, I will explore the forts construction by Hyder and the sieges it suffered.

[1] http://historicalleys.blogspot.com/
[2] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eustachius_De_Lannoy
[3] For a good brief account of Hyder Ali's early years see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hyder_Ali
[4] See William Logan's Malabar Manual, Volume I pages 399 to 437 for a veery good account of these events.

The outbreak of the war with Coorg 1834.

2010-03-14T09:35:00.028Z

The Coorg Rulers Banqueting House and Fort.

The following letters are transcripts of letters sent by Karanakera Menon from south western frontier of Coorg.

Menon had been sent to observe the activities of the Coorg Rajah and his armies who had been mobilising to resist what they saw as overbearing attempts by the East India Company to dive roads and trade through their country.

The Rajah's father had been a strong ally of the East India Company and had greatly helped the EIC in its wars with Tipu Sultan. They had allowed the EIC to send forces through Coorg in both wars with Tipu. He had also been the hereditary enemy of the Pazhassi Raja and had therefore supported the British by keeping the Pazhassi Rajah out of Coorg.

In 1833 the British had become aware that the current Rajah was a very different type of person to his father. He appears to have been extremely sexually active, and besides his thirteen wives he was forcing his attentions onto many local women and even his sisters.

One of his sisters and her husband Chinna Bassawan, a senior official at the palace fled to Mysore to the protection of the Collector there, Mr. Casamayor.

The Rajah was facing increasing opposition from the families of the many women he was forcing into sex as well as many of his own family who had fled the country.

Fearing internal rebellions and quite possibly attacks from Coorg exiles, the Rajah sent assassins to Mysore in an attempt to kill is brother and sister in law. These were recognised and captured by the EIC authorities before they could undertake their mission.

In 1833 Thomas Baber was living in Bombay, with no official post in the Malabar, but with a house in Tellicherry and a strong interest in events there.

The local collector in the Northern Malabar Mr Clementson was in charge of affairs on the western Coorg border.

Appreciating the need for intelligence on what was going on in Coorg he had brought Thomas Baber's old Sheristan out of retirement.

Kulpilly Karanakera Menon was sent up the road from Cannanore to the Stone River on the border with Coorg. It was not possible to sent spies into Coorg as the local population could easily spot them and they would soon be killed or apprehended.

However the road from Cannanore through Coorg to the east was used by grain merchants and these were in the habit of attending the market in the capital of Coorg.

Menon sent up his post in the rest houses that these returning Moplah merchants were using along the road to gather up to date information on events in Coorg.

Somehow he was spotted by the Coorg authorities and they lured him into a position where they could kidnap him.

The kidnapping of Kulpilly Karanakera Menon was the final straw or pretext that the East India Company needed to launch their forces over the border into Coorg.

Here is the story of those events in Kulpilly Karanakeras words.

T. Clementson Esqr.
Principal Collector and Magistrate of Malabar.

The arzee of Sheristedar Kulpally Karoonagara Menon

Mr. Grame having been appointed by Government as Special Agent for settling the affairs of Coorg that Gentleman wrote to you to send me to that country, and to myself also on the same subject.

Accordingly on the 12^th October, I, with your permission left Calicut and arrived at Stony river on the 17^th, but not withstanding my having shown the Rahadary which Mr. Grame sent me, the Coorg Rajah’s servants would not allow me to enter that District, in consequence of which I returned to Vyatoor and remained there till the 24^th of that month. Making enquiries of what was going on in Coorg, as well as respecting the Rajah’s hostile intentions and submitted to you under dates the 18^th, 20^th, 21^st and 24^th October 1833, Reports containing the result of my enquiries and a further memorandum after I joined the Cutcherry at Tellicherry on the 28^th of that month.

On the 1^st of November, you having received a letter from Mr. Graeme, written from Periapatam, requesting you to send me, without loss of time to Muddakery and stating that, that Gentleman would immediately proceed to that place via Wettawoor, you were pleased to communicate the same to me on which occasion I observed, that after what I had heard of the Rajah’s evil intensions, it did not appear to me that matters could be brought to a satisfactory settlement, when you were pleased to say, that as the matter was of importance, and as Mr. Grame stated in his letter that I would be useful to him, that I should lose no time in setting out.

In the meanwhile you furnished me with a Rahadary. Accordingly, I started from Tellicherry on the 2^nd I enquired of the Rajah’s people stationed there, whether Mr. Graeme had arrived at Maddakery. November, and on my arrival at Stony River they said that three Gentlemen had arrived at Maddakery, and that they received orders to allow me to pass without delay and two musketmen accompanied me from Stony River.

We arrived at Maddakery on the 5^th November, from which date I was, without any reason whatever, placed in confinement, and was not released until after a period of five months, just on the 6^th April 1834. In the course of the confinement I had fourteen interviews with the Rajah, and beg to subjoin what passed in the course of each of them.

At 3 P. M. on the 5^th of November when I arrived at Ookadap in the Maddakery Hill, the sentry proceeded to report my arrival to the Rajah, and returned saying that permission has been granted to allow me and the people with me to go into the Fort after leaving the arms outside. We accordingly went in and were made to wait in the compound until night, when three Coorghers, and three Telangahs came and said that the Rajah’s orders were not to allow me to remain at Maddakery, but to take me to a Bungalow at the foot of a Hill near the high road about a mile South from Maddakery. They accordingly conveyed us to the said Bungalow, allowing us to take our arms as we went out. Of the six men who were sent as a guard over us, the Head Man was Jamadar called Moottayan; who had orders not to allow any one to come to us in the Bungalow, or to permit us to speak to anyone, nor allow us to go out unaccompanied by the guard. About 100 yards North West of the Bungalow stands a Hobly Cutcherry, in which there was a Parbody with abut 10 men, these persons also had orders to look after us. In the South East of the Bungalow there is a shop belonging to Congany Gunapan, who was permitted to sell us rice and other articles we required. We accordingly purchased from him what we required and had our meals prepared on the bank of a nullah inside the walls with which the Bungalow was surrounded. In the compound there is a granite pond, about 11/2 yards square, into which water from the said nullah flows: in this pond I used to bathe. The guard over us had orders to report about us to the Soobedar at Maddakery every morning and evening. On the 11^th November I had an audience with the Rajah, when he stated that he had written to Mr. Graeme to come in and asked me, “Is he good person or is he, like Casamayor a deceitful one? Are you well acquainted with Mr. Graeme?

I answered that Mr. Graeme was a very respectable and honorable Gentleman and that I was well acquainted with him. I had scarcely made the answer when the Dewan Bassawapen observed nearly in these words, ‘Samy! This person (alluding to me) came last year to Stony River, Vyathoor, Payanoor, made inquiries about matters relating to this Samstanom. And said that the whiskers of all the Coorghers would be shaved off and people from Malabar employed in this country.

This was related by persons who came from Malabar."This is the man who formerly seized the Kotiote Rajah, and he is friends to the Phiranghies."

His object in coming here is merely to obtain information about this country.’

On which I stated, that there are many Brahmins and people of their caste, carrying whiskers employed in the Cutcherries in Malabar. That if ever it should be required to employ in that country as public servants people from Malabar, the Hussoor Cutcherry alone contained a sufficient number.

That I had heard that many persons sent to that country and by making false representations, such as they knew would be acceptable, returned after receiving presents.

That stories of such persons should not be relied upon and that the Gentlemen under the Hon’ble Company never deviated from truth.

The Rajah then said ‘We shall talk further tomorrow.I am now going on a hunting excursion and offered me some flowers on which I presented to the Rajah a Bottle of Lavender. On the 13th I had another interview with the Rajah, when the letters which he addressed to the Governors of Bengal, Madras and Bombay and some other Gentlemen, respecting the flight of Chinna Bassawan and his wife, together with the replies received thereto, were read over to me. The Rajah then observed, that Mr. Graeme’s letters was couched in disrespectful terms. On which I remarked, that on the letter being translated from English into Canarese it may not have been properly worded.

That in a letter which Mr. Graeme sent to you, containing the purport of a Canarese paper, it was not correctly stated and that the difference may have arisen from the person who made the translation not understanding the real meaning. The Rajah then asked me whether Mr. Graeme had no one with him who could make correct translation from Canarese into English. I answered that when Mr. Graeme came from Nagpore to the Nilgherries that Gentleman did not bring any one with him. And that it was therefore that Mr. Graeme sent for me. The Rajah hereupon said that if I wished to write to Mr. Graeme or to you, I should let him know. That he would then send a person who would write in Canarese, that if written in Malayalam or Tamool, he would not be made acquainted with the contents of my letter and that this measure was necessary to prevent deceit. I replied that I would attend to his wishes in this respect, that as far as I have heard read the Letter written by the Rajah to the Hon’ble Gentlemen above alluded to, it appeared to me that they contained language calculated to inspire distrust and anger. And that as the letter to Mr. Graeme was irrelevant to the matter at issue I doubted much whether Mr. Graeme would come. The Rajah then observed that adverting to the contents of the letters written to him by the Gentlemen it appears that they wish that matters should be managed in his country agreeably to their will and pleasure. That those who had escaped from his country had been honorably received by the Sirkar. That he had been informed that measures are in progress to deprive him of his country and many other things.

On the 15^th I had a third interview with the Rajah when he said, that he feared Mr. Graeme was not coming. That those who had escaped from his country, after killing a Jemadar and his brother, have been honorably received by Casamayor who even allowed them to sit in his presence and afforded them respectable Lodging.

That when the Rajah sent people to seize and bring them back. Mr. Casamayor would not allow them to do so. That to prevent people of his country from entering Mysore, Troopers were stationed on the Frontier. That therefore the Rajah’s subjects are disposed to wage war. That it was with a view of not violating the friendship which has long subsisted between himself and the Honorable Company that he did not all this while take any such measure; but that he could not forbear any longer and that accordingly he would, without delay, send a force to seize and bring back those who had escaped from his country. That if the Company wished to resist him, let them to do so. That the wish of possessing themselves of his Country will be the ruin of the Company. They would lose their authority and his (the Rajah’s) Government would rise and extend itself. And that Persons well acquainted with the state of things have written them so.” To this I observed that he would not succeed in carrying on a war against the Hon’ble Company. That they have extensive Forces and Territories.

Out of the latter, Malabar alone, which is under your Superintendence, contains upwards of 11 lacs of souls, out of whom 2 lacs may be estimated as good fighting men; so that if they were required to take the field there would be more men than trees in the jungle of Coorg. That therefore any measure he intended to adopt should be after due considerations of the Hon’ble Company’s powers and the discipline of their troops and his own means and circumstances. That if measures be adopted without due considerations, I further mentioned that Veley Tamby, a former Dewan of the Travancore Sirkar, thoughtlessly and from not knowing better, attempted to wage war with the Hon’ble Company; the result was an immense loss to that Sirkar.

That the Dewan himself was executed and the Ellia Rajah, who joined in his plans banished to Chingleput. The Rajah hereupon observed that none would ever be able to do any thing of the kind towards his Samstanom, of which proof would soon be evinced.

On the 18^th, I had a fourth interview with the Rajah when the Subject of a letter received from Mr. Graeme was mentioned to me and myself desired to sign on Arzee which was previously prepared, requesting Mr. Graeme to come to Coorg, and which was read over to me. I affixed my signature to it, and just I was leaving the palace, I was called back and a copy of the letter which M. Graeme addressed to the Rajah, and a letter which that Gentleman wrote to me, were delivered to me. I perused them and then observed that Mr. Graeme is a very respectable Gentleman, holding a high situation under Government, that he has been made to wait at Periapatam about 20 days, and suggested that, instead of displeasing him further, means should be adopted to induce him to come in and settle everything in a satisfactory way. To which the Rajah answered, “It will never do to trust the Gentleman. You must have heard when you came to Payaoor, Vyathoor and other places last year, that I had then made preparations for war.”

I replied that myself and the Gentlemen had heard that all the Bungalows had been washed black. That stockades had been erected in the principal roads. That plates had been struck and his subjects ordered to carry the same around their necks, and that warlike preparations were being made. Whereupon the Rajah said, that all that was done because he had determined to carry on war against the Phirangies.

That the Shuvamoodrah (plate) would protect his people against destruction. And that therefore he ordered all his subjects to wear them and to come with them to pay him reverence. I answered that if he persevered in such hostile views, if he continued to shelter Sayapa Naik, his Samstanom would be ruined, that then it would be too late to remedy the evil, and suggested again that whatever he meant to do should be done after mature consideration. The Rajah answered, “Everything will be known the course of a short time.”

On the 19^th of November the Rajah came near to the Bungalow in which I resided, and returned after making some enquiries about me.

On the 26^th the Dewan Bassawapen and two other servants brought to me nine letters which you and Mr. Graeme wrote to me, and required me to let him know the purport of them, which I communicated to them and they put down the same in writing.

On the 1^st of December I had a fifth meeting with the Rajah when I mentioned that Mr. Graeme’s letter to me related to the revised letter addressed to the Rajah, the first one having been incorrectly written, and that you directed me to return to Malabar, when the Rajah stated that he was convinced of what I first mentioned respecting the translation. That if Vakeels be sent similar mistakes are likely to happen and that Darashaw had arrived. The Rajah next spoke all the answers to be returned by me to Mr. Graeme. I requested permission to write my answer in Tamool, as mistakes were likely to occur if written in Canarese when the Rajah said that there was no one there who understood well either Tamool or Malayalam.

That it was necessary he should know whatever I write to any one and that therefore he would, as hitherto send a person to write in Canarese. I then represented that Orders and Rahadaries were received from you and Mr. Graeme requiring me to return to Malabar, and requested I might be allowed to go back, or, if he wished it, to send Darashaw with me to Bangalore, and we would endeavour to settle matters in a satisfactory way. The Rajah answered that he had not confidence enough in Darashaw to send him up as a Vakeel, that he would wait until he may finally know whether or not Mr. Grame will come and that I should wait there till then. I stated in reply that I had a great deal of public business to attend to in Malabar, that I have orders to make enquiries respecting upland cultivation in Cavay Tallok and its vicinity, that I shall be at Vyathoor or Payawoor, that I had brought with me no more than what would suffice for 10 or 15 days. That if Mr. Graeme should come I would also return.

Whereupon the Rajah said that if I wanted money for my expenses he would supply me therewith, that as Darashaw was come he intended to hold a consultation before finally determining upon any thing. When the Rajah had said this his Dewan Bassawapen and the Moonshies present observed, “That Phirangy called Graeme will never come here, Swamy. This man (alluding to me) is said to be even by people who came from Malabar a deceitful person and his object in coming here is no other than to gain intelligence. There is no occasion for further consideration.We only entreat permission to go and seize those who ran away from hence.”

They said many other things in haughty and improper language. On the 4^th December I went up to Cokadap and met the Rajah there and both of us proceeded to where Darashaw was. The Rajah then said that the Letter which I addressed to Mr. Graeme on the 2^nd was not despatched. That an answer to the Letter which the Rajah wrote requesting Mr. Graeme to come to Maddakery is expected in two days.

That after the receipt of the expected answer it will be determined what to write to that Gentleman. The Rajah having ceased to speak Darashaw said, “Swamy! Whatever the person (alluding to me) may write to Mr. Graeme, the Governor or any other Gentlemen will be attended to. In consideration of his having seized the Kotiote Rajah the Sarkar has presented him with a Palankeen with a separate allowance for it. On receipt of his letter Mr. Graeme will not fail to come.

If you were to see the testimonials which several Gentlemen gave him, you will be convinced of what I now say. He will exert in forwarding the Swamy’s cause.

During the life time of the Valia Swamy (former Rajah) he came twice here with Mr. Baber. He is well acquainted with the tenor of the Karar (agreement or Treaty) of this country. On the 7^th I had another interview with the Rajah on which occasion he asked me whether I had not met and spoken with Darashaw before he started. I answered, I saw him going away, but as I was not permitted, I did not speak to him. The Rajah then began dictating a letter which he purposed I should address Mr. Graeme on which I observed that it was not at all probable that Mr. Graeme would come. That Darashaw having been sent back to Tellicherry was not well done. That unless it was meant to settle matters in a proper way, it was of no use to detain me there, and several other things, to which the Rajah answered that Darashaw was permitted to go back because he did not wish to employ him as his Vakeel. That after a reply is received from Mr. Graeme to the letter proposed to be addressed to him, some thing final will be determined upon. That since I was already there Mr. Grame would not fail to come also and that Darashaw had told this and many other things about me to the Rajah. The Rajah added that Darashaw is now very old, and there is no consistency in what he says, in consequence of which he is unfit to be employed as a Vakeel, that accordingly he was allowed to go back. In an interview which took place on the 14^th the Rajah delivered to me the letter which you sent written in Malayalam and Canarese directing me to return without delay as well as one or two other letters; and on my communicating the purport of them, the Rajah said that a letter from Mr. Graeme had been received and that it can be read tomorrow. I again represented that there was a great deal for me to do in Malabar, while it was of no use remaining there; to which the Rajah replied that as Mr. Graeme had particularly sent for me there, I might return after that Gentleman shall have settled every thing and proposed to send to Mr. Graeme the letter which was about to be prepared for that purpose. But with the exception of professing to write to Mr. Graeme the letter accordingly to the draft to be prepared under the Rajah’s direction, no one was sent to me to write such Letter.

On the 11^th January I was required to attend at Ookadah, and five of the Rajah’s servants brought to me two arzees which were prepared in my name according to the Rajah’s directives. One addressed to Mr. Graeme the other to you and they insisted upon my signing them. I said that I had some thing to represent to the Rajah, to which they answered that the Rajah would soon come, that his orders were that those arzees should be signed and kept ready against his arrival. And finding on the arzees being read over to me, that the language was not very objectionable, I wishing some how or other that you Gentlemen, might know that I was in existence signed the arzee but in the usual way. The Rajah soon after came, but halting about 100 yards distant from the Bungalow in which I was sent for his Karistans, spoke to them for a while and went away without giving me an opportunity of speaking to him. On the 1^st February I was again sent for the Cokadah and met the Karistans there, who said that Mr. Graeme’s answer to the letter addressed on the 11^th January (as above described) was received, that a reply thereto in my name was prepared and that the Rajah ordered me to sign it.

I remarked I had not seen the letter which Mr. Graeme was said to have written me. That unless I was made acquainted with the real state of things, I would not sign what it pleased them to prepare for my signature. They answered that the order is that I must sign, if I would not do so, I must stand the consequence and accordingly desired me to hear the arzee read over. On its being read over to me I found it was written in an improper style in consequence of which I said I would not affix my signature to it, they then saying that they would report my refusal to the Rajah went into the Fort. Shortly after the Rajah came out of the Fort and sent for and asked me what was the reason for my not signing the Paper which was written out for that purpose. I replied that I never saw the Letter which Mr. Graeme is said to have written to me, and submitted the impropriety of my signing the reply to a letter which I had never seen. On which the Rajah said that, that Letter was unfit to be read over to me, nevertheless that I might hear it read which was then read out, and I found it to contain that if a hair of my head was hurt that Samstanom would be crushed and many other things which incensed the Rajah very much.

He then observed “come what will I have determined upon declaring war. If those who ran away from hence be sent back from Mysore you will be allowed to return, if not you will suffer the consequence when War is commenced.” The Rajah said many other things in an authoritative tone. I had not other alternative but to put down my signature, but in this instance also not in the usual way.

On the 7^th February the Rajah sent for me. When I went up he was standing over the monuments of his Father and Grand-father and observed to me that it was some days since any news had been received.

That Mr. Baber had arrived at Cannanore, that a letter sent by Mr. Baber for me was received on the preceding day, in which matters relating to both the Rajah and myself were properly written. That considering that Mr. Baber was coming from Bombay there was reason to believe that he is deputed by the Bombay Government to settle the Rajah’s Business. The Rajah changed the subject of the conversation saying that he would speak further about the matter on the following day, and that I should wait on him on the next day; and then observed, “It is long since you have been absent from your family. Had not you better send for your brother Ram Menon and your family?

I shall give such assistance as may be required in the way of Horses, Dhooly etc.” The Rajah then talked on sundry matters of no importance.

After this interview the Rajah never sent for me, but I have seen him three times going and returning by the Road opposite to the Bungalow in which I was kept on route to and from Veerarajapett whither he had proceeded on hunting excursions as well as to look after the preparations then in progress for the War.

I was never on those occasions allowed to speak to him.On one of these occasions, he halted opposite to the Parboothy Cutcherry about 100 yards distant from the Bungalow in which I was, caused large plantain trees to be cut, had three of them lashed together and with one blow of the Crooked knife severed them in two.

This and sundry other manoeuvres were performed with the view of intimidating me.

On the 20th of March 1 Kariakar and 8 men came by order of the Rajah to the place where I was and said, that the Rajah had directed that we should move our resistance to the Shetrom in the vicinity of the Fort and desired us to make haste in preparing for the movement. He accordingly started and on reaching the Sentry placed near the Bungalow in Ookadah, we were desired to part with our arms, on which I observed that we did not come to hurt any one, that we made no bad use of them during the four and a half months we had them in our possession. That if any distrust was entertained they might take away the Powder and Cartridge, and thus declined to give up our arms. One of the Guard then went to report this to the Rajah who was about 150 yards from the Bungalow in which we halted. In the interim I asked the Kariakar who was sent to remove us from our former residence what was the cause of the removal. And he said that the Phiranghee’s people had come to the four sides of that Country for the purpose of carrying me away. In consequence of which orders were issued to secure my person .

By this time the person who went up to the Rajah returned saying that orders were again given to take away from us all the arms belts etc. Accordingly we surrendered as follows:

3 double barrelled Guns

1 single ditto

1 sword with tambac hilt

4 do with silver hilts

7 sword sticks

1 ditto mounted with gold

3 Crooked knives

1 Lance

54 cartridges pouches and sword belts with silver clasps

1 silver breast plate worn by the Deloget and

2 brass ditto ditto by the Peons.

These articles were taken away to the Rajah with which he returned to the Fort. We were then taken to a sugar cane garden, below the Fort and made to live in a house standing therein with 10 men as a Guard over us with orders not to allow us to stir beyond 50 yards of it. As there was no water we dug a hole and made use of the water procured by this means. The Rajah at this time gave orders to remove all his property from Maddakkery to Makanad, for which purpose a large number of men and elephants were employed for 8 or 9 days, and on the 18^th of March the Rajah himself with his family proceeded to Makanad. I heard that the removal of his Treasure required two trips of 24 Elephants and 20 Horses. On the night of the 20^th orders were likewise received to remove me and the 13 persons with me in to the Fort. We were that night shut up in a Stable Room and closely watched, in which state we continued for two days without permission to stir out. The Brahmin with me was the only person allowed to grant (sic) to prepare rice for me.

On the 1^st April Tuesday the Dewan Bassawapa and Moonshee Kallyaman returned from Makanaad for the purpose of sending away Sundry articles which still remained in the Fort and they on the same occasion sent me and the people with me to Makanaad. We reached that place at 10 o’clock at night and were made to put up in a house newly finished at the foot of the Hill near to the Palace with orders to keep us shut up day and night except at meal time which was to be prepared on the bank of a nullah close to it. About 10 yards from the House in which we were locked up, stands a large House in which the Dewan Bassawapa and his family resided.

On the morning of the 2^nd the Dewan came to the House in which I was and after looking about told the Guard not to oppress me much, to allow me to walk about in the compound during the day time. I then called the Dewan aside and asked him what was the object of the great preparations which were going on and of my person being thus detained. He answered that there was no objections to telling me the cause. And then said that large force belonging to the Pherangees had reached the Frontiers by five different roads for the purpose of carrying me away. That by that time War must have commenced. That he was at a loss to know what would be the result, that I was the cause of all this and asked me what was to be done?

This was spoken privately. I answered, that I had already predicted this. More than once. That if war had commenced the Hon’ble Company would not fail to seize the country and the Rajah run the risk of losing his Life.

If my life was lost the Sirkar would lose nothing. But that many lives in this country should be lost on my account was a matter of much concern to me. The Dewan hereupon asked me what was proper to be done to avoid the War and I replied that no time should be lost in sending out white flags signifying Kabool (submission) and that if I together with Vakeels was sent out to the Camp, I would exert my utmost to settle the matter in a satisfactory way after seeing Mr. Graeme, the Collector and other Gentlemen. The Dewan became sensible of the propriety of my suggestions, and said he would communicate the same to the Swamy. That except my assistance they had now no other alternative left. Begged me not to think of what had passed and said that the Lord Sahib, with whom I was acquainted had come to the Neelgherry Hills. The Dewan then left me to go and see the Rajah.

On the morning of the 4^th Friday at about the Rajah accompanied by four persons came on foot to an elevated spot near the House in which I was and sent for me.

On my approaching him, the attendants were desired to withdraw to a distance and the Rajah said that he is fully sensible of all that I had previously stated to him.

That the Dewan communicated to him the conversation I had with him. That the Kabool flag was already sent out and asked me what else to be done in order that matters might be settled without injury to himself. This was spoken in an intreating and distressful tone. I asked the Rajah whether Hostilities had commenced. He answered that intelligence was received that they had in some quarters.

I observed that matters were then in a wrong way. That all the assistance in my power would be afforded. On which the Rajah proposed a return to the Palace and consider the subject. We accordingly walked up to the Palace, which was about a quarter of a mile distant, and the attendants were again desired to withdraw.

When both of us were seated the Rajah resumed the subject saying that after he sent out the Flag, the firing from the party coming up the Stony River Road ceased but that they continue to advance and asked me in a sorrowful way what was to be done. I proposed that myself and the Vakeels should be immediately sent to the Troops coming up the Stony river road, as it was likely the Collector and other Gentlemen would be in the Camp. The Rajah then said that the Lord Sahibs of Bengal and Madras were on the Neelgherries. That as I was acquainted with the Lord Sahib of Bengal, was a good opportunity for me to exert my endeavours.

That this Samstanom would never forget the assistance that I might render it and that I should not think of the conduct evinced towards me until then. All this and many other things were said in an entreating way, to which I replied, that I would assuredly afford such assistance as laid in my power and tried to comfort the Rajah.

The Rajah then said, that when he thinks of what he had hitherto done me, he cannot feel convinced of the sincerity of my promise. That the only way of removing the doubts in his mind would be for me to swear upon the Sala Gramom (Holy Stone from Cassy) and execute a Kaychit.

That as I had not up to that time any thing from him for my expenses, I should accept some trifling Presents, and that I should take my meal there that day. To which I replied that nothing of what he mentioned was required to induce him to trust to me, and that I will render him all the assistance in my power. The Rajah then observed that as his mind was in a distressed state, I should not oppose his wishes.

Recollecting that the Rajah was a person devoid of good sense, and wishing to obviate further trouble which he might be induced to occasion at that critical period, as well as to escape with my life somehow or other, I assented to subscribe to the oath and Kychit he proposed. The letter was accordingly prepared and on hearing it read over I found that my name was inserted as Sheristedar Karoonagara Menon, and that it contented some other objectionable words.

On which I observed that “Sheristedar” was my public designation which I could not make use of without the Sirkar’s Permission. And suggested that my name should be simply used.

This was acceded to and the Kychit having been drawn out accordingly, I affixed my Signature there, a copy of which I beg to submit herewith. The Rajah then ordered that the Dewan Bassawapan Moonshee Kallyaman and a Brahmin should accompany me taking with them the Sala Gramom in order that I may swear upon it after bathing myself.

The Rajah also directed that the Guard placed over me may be withdrawn and a place near the Palace prepared for me for that night.

And desired me to return in the evening as he had to consult with me on several matters. I promised to do so and left the Palace accompanied by the Dewan and the Moonshee. Reaching the place of my Habitation I bathed and took the oath to the effect specified in the Kychit.

The Guards immediately withdrew and the Karistan returned to the Rajah. At 4 o’clock P. M. a messenger came to desire I should proceed to the Palace taking with me my Baggage and the people with me. We went up and stopt under a Pandal erected in the Compound and at 8 o’clock Moonshee Kallyaman came to me from the Rajah and asked me what road I purposed taking the following day; and what was required.

I replied I intended to write to Periapatam and Stony Rover intimating that I was coming. That as soon as I get my arms, Palankeen and Horse I would proceed to Veerarajapett and after enquiring the Road by which Mr. Grame and the Collector were coming in I would proceed to join them.

I asked the Moonshee whether the Kabool Flags had reached the Troops entering by the other four routes and whether the firing had ceased and that if it was not known that it should be soon ascertained. The Moonshee went and communicated the above to the Rajah and returned to me at 12 o’clock of the same night and said that no information has been received of the Kabool Flags having reached the force coming by any other road than that of Stony River, that intelligence had been received of the latter force having ascended the Ghaut and advanced so far as Kandyl that therefore the Rajah wished me to start the following morning. I answered that I would do so at 6 o’clock on the morning of the 5^th. The Rajah’s messenger came and desired me to proceed to the Rajah.

I went up and the Rajah bid me to sit down near him. A stout aged Mussalman with another rather black and of a slender tall make were there present, together with Dewan Bassawapen and one or two other public servants.

The Rajah again begged me not to think of the past and added, if I would protect that Samstanom my Tarwadd (Family) would feel the good effects of it as long as it lasts and that as far as experienced persons have said, there appeared reason to expect that that Samstanom would prosper. What the Rajah said was seconded by the stout Mussalman.

The Rajah next said that as I should forthwith start for Virarajapett he had ordered a Canarese Writer to be in readiness to accompany me, and begged me to set out without delay.

On which I said that I would start as soon as I got back my arms, Palankeen, Horse, Breast Plates etc. In which the Rajah said that in the bustle and confusion which occurred some of my guns and other things had been mislaid.

That 3 swords and 2 pistols were only forthcoming, that they could not find the Breast plates. That the whole would follow me and that I should not delay on that account. I replied that it would be quite enough if the arms were sent after me, but that I should wish to have the Peon’s breast plates.

The rajah then ordered another search when the Belts were found but no plates. The Swords and Pistols were then returned to me, and the Rajah then presented me with a Crooked Knife the handle of which is covered with Gold, with the waist belt in which it is fixed, the whole is worth about 80 Rupees and I begged the Rajah to accept of a Sword with a Silver belt and other apparatus worth about 120 Rupees. On which the Rajah observed that what I have him in return was worth double the value of what he gave me; and wished me therefore to accept of a further present of a Donate and Turband, and after I left him, he sent me a Kincab Mungarkah and a pair of Silk Trowser, the whole wll be worth about 200 Rupees. The Guns and Swords were from time to time sent to me, but I did not get back Crooked Knife, 4 Belts with Silver Clasps, the Gun case, shooting tackle and sundry other articles, the whole worth about 100 Rupees as well as 1 Silver breast plate belonging to the Sirkar.

About 11 o’clock in the forenoon of the 5^th a letter was received by the Rajah from Colonel Fraser requiring my immediate release and the Rajah to go and meet the Colonel. The Rajah asked me what was to be done, and I answered that as it appeared that Colonel Fraser is sent as an agent of the Lord Sahib, the Rajah should lose no time in proceeding to that Gentleman. He answered that he was not acquainted with that Sahib, that as it was time of War he could not so soon wait on the Colonel, that after the troops should withdraw, and his own force be recalled, he would fix upon a spot to meet the Colonel.

This was said after a consultation with the Mussalman and other Servants then present on which I observed that the Troops advancing by different routes would not stop until they reached Maddakery and again suggested that the Rajah should without loss of time go and see the Colonel. That he was not acquainted with the Colonel and the other Gentlemen’s temper. That it required some consideration before he could determine upon going to meet them, that I should forthwith proceed to Colonel Fraser by the Maddakery road along with two Karistans, that he would write a letter to Colonel Fraser requesting the Troops to halt where they are without advancing and entering the Maddakery Fort. That if after our arrival in the Camp, we should find that there would be no harm in the Rajah’s going to meet the Colonel, to send a messenger to him to that effect, and if he should also receive a suitable answer from the Colonel he would not hesitate to go and see him. I answered the Rajah that I would go but that he should furnish me with an order directing his people to attend to my advice; and to afford me assistance which he agreed to do.

Accordingly myself with two Karistans were despatched from Maknaad, and before I started the Rajah delivered to me some letters which yourself and Mr. Graeme wrote to me which were not made over in due time.

Some of them had been opened by the Rajah.2 o’clock the Rajah sent me a Rahadary directing his subjects to attend to my advice and to furnish me with the required supplies and sent also my Peon and Palankeen. The Rajah also gave presents of Cloth to the people with me, the whole valued about 60 Rupees.

A copy of the said Rahadary is herewith submitted. When I was about to start from Makinaad I observed that the Rajah had there upwards of 3000 men 8 large Guns and upward of 200 horses. Of the men 1500 were people from Mysore whom the Rajah had employed, and I advised the Rajah to dismiss them without delay.

For if Colonel Fraser were to know it, it might retard the reconciliation. The Rajah promised to pay them off without delay. This was immediately known to the Mysore people above alluded to. The consequence was that wherever I met them they used to abuse me with epithets of “Kaffar Sooar you have thrown dirt into the mouths of a great many persons” and such other abusive languages, all which I put up with.

It was 3 P. M. when we started from Maknaad and at day break the next morning reached Madakkery and I showed the Rahadary to the people in the Fort, and desired them to keep only about 70 persons as guard in the Fort and to hoist a white Flag and thence we proceeded to the Camp about four miles to the East of the Fort.

I waited to Colonel Fraser and other Gentlemen and briefly mentioned that a white Flag was hoisted in the Fort as well as what the Rajah charged me to communicate.

The Colonel said he received the Rajah’s answer, in which it is stated that I was sent back, that a Moplah and Karoonagara Menon (myself) were deputed as his Vakeels, that we would represent everything, but that the Rajah did not say when he would himself come. That the Troops would march to Maddakery soon after a Letter is sent to the Rajah, desiring him to come in, and that I should also go along with them.

The Colonel also asked me what number of Guns there were on the Fort and I answered there were only 70 men and two Guns in the Fort. Colonel Fraser then said he would talk further the next day in the Fort and seeing that I was unwell was pleased to give me a Palankeen and bearers. After 12 o’clock, the troops marched, entered the Maddakery Fort at 4 o’clock and hoisted the British Flag on its wall under a royal Salute.

European Soldiers and Sepoys were placed as Sentries and the Troops encamped about half a mile to the north of the Fort. I waited on Colonel Fraser the following day and mentioned the circumstances of the Letters written to me by Mr. Graeme, of the answers prepared by the Rajah in my name, contrary to all usage and answered such questions as the Colonel was pleased to put to me.

When the Colonel observed that I had affixed my signature I said that if what was required to be done at critical periods was not done I should not have been able to preserve my Life; that I thought Mr. Graeme was not displeased at it, as the Letters which the Rajah delivered to me at the moment of my release showed, and I produced to Colonel Fraser those letters some of which were not opened.

The Colonel desired me to peruse the Letters and asked me whether I wished to go. I replied that I wished to act as the Colonel might be pleased to direct.

That Gentleman then said that as I was under your orders I had better return to you soon. That if I wished to go to the Lord Sahib I should go by the Periapatam road, that there was no interruption for posting or cause for fear on the road. I begged the Colonel to allow me a Guard for my protection on the road, and that Gentleman said that until the Rajah shall have come and settled every thing no Guard could be spared but if I wanted money I might have it. I stated I would call the next day and make known my determination. The next day my brother Ram Menon and the Tahsildar of Kotiote Koonda Menon, with some others arrived at Maddakery and went to Colonel Fraser. I also went up to the Gentleman, when he was pleased to say that as my Brother and the Tahsildar were come, it would be better for me to return with them, as no Guard or Bearer could then be spared, and accordingly desired me to return.

As Darrashaw was in the Camp as the Colonel had desired me to return and considering many other circumstances I thought it would not be proper for me to remain any longer at Maddakery. Accordingly on the 9^th I quitted that place and on my way waited on Colonel Fraser and other Gentlemen, who came with the Force from Cannanore which was encamped about eight miles to the South of Maddakery.

Those Gentlemen were much pleased at seeing me, and asked me many questions. And I gave them all the information in my power.Colonel Joules then proposed to me to stay there until the Rajah should come in, as I might be useful in obtaining intelligence. I remained there that day. The next day some of the persons who were at Maknaad with the Rajah came to me and said that the Rajah had started from that place with the intention of meeting the Gentlemen at Maddakery and I took them to Colonel Joules and communicated the intelligence. The Colonel gave them a present of 2 Rupees and at 2 o’clock P. M. gave me leave to proceed on. And as there was a Havildar Party returning to Cannanore they were directed to go along with me.

The Colonel also desired me to procure and send from Veerarajapett a quantity of Horse Gram. We reached Veerarajapett at 8 P. M. and I waited on Colonel Brack and the other Gentlemen and gave them a brief account of what had occurred. The Colonel then said that I had better defer my journey to the next day making previously some arrangement for procuring supplies as the required quantity was not to be had.

The Colonel gave a Naik’s Party for my protection that night. The next day I sent a Bullock load of Horse Gram to Colonel Joules’s Camp for which Koonda Menon Tahsildar paid. I then sent for the Rajah’s Karistans and the merchant in the Pettah and showed the Rajah’s Rahadary and made arrangements for the necessary supplies being furnished. This settled I took them to Colonel Brack, and with that Gentleman’s leave, left the Place soon after. On the road I met the Gentleman at Kandy Wadikel and from hence returned the Guard that accompanied me. At Keyparamaba Koona Menon Tahsildar remained behind for the purpose of sending up Provisions, and I proceeded on to Tellicherry, which place I reached on the 13^th April.

During the five Months that I remained confined in Coorg viz. from 5^th November 1833 to 5^th April 1834 and out of this period 4½ months in the Bungalow about a mile South of Muddakery I did not receive anything whatever for my Expenses from the Rajah. From the 19^th of March my place of confinement was changed to the Muddakery Fort and Maknaad, at the latter place there is no Bazar from which Rice and other articles could be procured in consequence of which I was obliged to receive from the Rajah’s people the following articles viz. 36 seers of rice, 4 Paloms of Tamarind, 2 Palams of chillies 1½ measures of Ghee, I seer of salt, 3 seers milk, ½ measure Gingely oil (the latter at Muddakery ) in all to the value of about 2Rs and I had previously given to the Rajah a bottle of Lavender.

All things considered it appears to me that what has happened may be attributed to the Rajah’s youth and pride, the bad advice of his servants, and the Mussalman who came from Mysore. The Circumstance of Government not having taken notice of the bits of oppression formerly practised with the view of preventing recurrences. The delusion inspired by the Letters received from Casey setting forth that all Countries would fall under the Halery Samstanom, and that the Hon’ble Company would be ruined.

During the time that I was confined in the Bungalow namely 4 ½ months there was no want of anything. The only annoyance we experienced was we being laughed at by the people who daily passed by the Bungalow (which stood near the high road ) on their way to and from the fairs and other passengers. One incident happened which gave me much concern. One day I ventured to ask a Putter an astrologer the day which the anniversary of the death of my mother would fall. This was reported to the Rajah. The consequence was that the Putter was seized and bound with a rope round his waist, furnished with 36 stripes and placed in confinement and he was not released until the day I was set at liberty. Such are the arbitrary acts practised there. I myself witnessed to Putter being carried with a rope tied round his waist. And when he came to me, after being released from confinement, I saw the marks of the stripes inflicted on him. The greatest restriction was laid to out walking and speaking to people passing by and to writing. From the 20^th March to 5^th April being 15 days, the period I was alternately confined near the Maddakery Fort, within that fort and Maknad. I experienced the greatest deprivations and hardship for during some days we were actually in close confinement with locked up doors, without a sufficiency of rice and water and the smallest comfort denied us.

After the English troops entered the Muddakery Fort and hoisted the Flag under a salute, I went to Muddakery ambalom (temple). A man of the Bhuadar caste aged about 20 years used to cook for the Dewan Bassavapen was also there. This person told my servant, as what he heard the Dewan say, that the real object of remaining me to the fort, was to nail me and the 13 persons who were with me to the tree standing on the road through which the English Force might pass, for which purpose nails had already been prepared. That the Rajah’s palace within the fort as well as the new one constructed outside of it was to be burnt down, for which purpose they were filled with firewood that we might consider ourselves very fortunate in having escaped the fate that awaited us. On this being mentioned to me I enquired after the man but could not find him out. On sending people to both of the Palaces, all the rooms had firewood placed in them, some of them in the palace within the fort, were being closed (sic – cleared?) for the Rajah’s residence on his return.

The general belief is that the lives of myself and of the others with me were not put an end to in the evil manner that was intended in consequence of the Rajah having been frightened from what was stated in the letter addressed by Mr Graeme and by the Right Hon’ble the Lord Sahib as well as in the proclamation for they strongly stated that if my life was put an end to or any injury done to me the Rajah would meet with the same fate and lose his Country.

It is now 33 years since I have served the Hon’ble Company enjoying their support and protection. To evince my sense of it I undertook this arduous business. The consequence was that I endured the evils detailed above. I am now about 60 years of age and otherwise in a bad state of health and inform accordingly, I trust to your goodness to do what would ensure me honor and credit and that you will be so good as to send to Mr Graeme, and to the Government for their information.

Dated 21^st April 1834

Signed) Karunagara Menon

Sheristedar

Signed)T.Clementson

If the Maha Swamy Avargul be so good towards us to send me to the English People, I will bravely and faithfully attend to the Good of all that concerns the Maha Rajah Avargul. I will not to the least thing which may be bad. If I am not true in this, may God deny me a place in this and the other world, and punish me to the uttermost. In truth of this, if of my own free will I mean upon the Sala Gramam. Written on Friday by A. K. R Timagan.

Signed) Karoonakara Menon

The Sannad issued by Maha Rajah Veer Rajendra Waddiar of the Haliery Samstanom to the Servants of the Dewan Cutcherry Talook Soobedar Parbuttikars the Watchmen at the Gokkadahs:

Whereas Kulpully Karoonagara Menon Sheristedar of is deputed on Business of the Sirkar, on his arrival in any of your Talooks, Bazars and Gokadahs, you will pay him every attention supplying on account of the Sirkar every articles of provision which he may require. Moreover if he should desire any of you to do what may be conducive to the good of the Sirkar, you will attend and execute the same.

The said Sheristedar is not to meet with any opposition, with molestation nor delay or inattention in the matter.

Written by order on Saturday the 27^th of Palgoonom of the Kalee year 4935 by K. Surasyet Soobrow.

The Rajah’s Signature
Karoonagara Menon Canara Menon’s Memorandum
P. Collector.

After word had been received that Karanakera Menon had been seized, four East India Company columns were sent across the borders into Coorg. These columns had a fierce campaign fighting their way into high canopy forest along sunken roads built as part of a complex defensive system not unlike that developed by the Maoris in New Zealand at very much the same time.

"The country of Coorg is of small extent, being about fifty miles long, and thirty-five broad in its greatest breadth: it lies to the westward of Mysore, being comprised within the twelfth degree of north latitude and 75^th and 76^th degrees east of longitude. But in compensation of its small extent, it is naturally a very strong country, being surrounded by lofty mountains with a few difficult passes leading into the interior, whilst other wooded hills thickly stud its surface.

The Rajah of this petty state, after a long course of oppression exercised upon his subjects, he being himself under the protection of the British government, addressed a series of insulting letters to the authorities of the latter, and eventually proceeded to the length of placing a native emissary, who had been sent to open a friendly negotiation with him, under forcible restraint. In consequence, hostilities were declared against him by the government of Fort St. George in a Proclamation dated 2d April 1834, by which date the various columns, that had been put in motion during the preceding month, had already arrived on the frontiers.

These columns were as follows: - brigadier Lindesay C.B., of H.M.’s 39^th Regt. commanded the whole; the eastern column, under lieut.-colonel Steuart, was composed of part of H.M.’s 39^th regiment, the 4^th, the 36^th and 38^th N.I. and a detachment of artillery, and sappers and miners: lieut.-colonel Foulis commanded the western column, consisting of H.M.’s 48^th regiment, and the 20^th and 32^nd N.I. with artillery; lieut.-colonel Waugh commanded the northern column, composed of H.M.’s 55^th regiment N.I. artillery, sappers and miners, 9^th and 31^st L.I the western auxiliary column, under lieut.-colonel Jackson was composed of a detachment of H.M.’s 48^th and 40^th N.I. whilst the 51^st N.I. was employed in Wynaud.

Colonel Lindesay, who accompanied the eastern column crossed the frontier on 1^st April without encountering any opposition. On the 2d colonel Steuart broke ground from Periapatam at three a.m., and by noon, reached the eastern bank of the Cavery at Kungas Amoodum, the distance being only 14 or 15 miles, but, it having latterly been necessary to cut a road through the jungle, the progress of the column was retarded. The enemy had thrown up a simple breastwork upon the opposite side, apparently not possessing sufficient military knowledge to have given flanks to it. As they here disputed the passage, lieutenant Montgomery, commanding the artillery with the column, brought up a gun to bear upon it, and, whilst it was firing a few rounds, two companies crossed below, and two, above the breastwork taking it in flank, the enemy hastily evacuating it. The bottom of the river at the ford being excessively rocky and uneven, the guns did not get across until four andhalf p.m., when the force encamped.

At noon on the 3d, the column resumed its march, and, afterwards, arrived in front of the town and barrier of Nunjarpet, where a slight resistance, similar to that of the preceding day and attended with the same results, took place. At five a.m. of the 4^thit again broke ground, and by sunset reached Aracanel, distant eight miles. On the 7^th it arrived at Muddekerry, the capital of Coorg. The casualties were only one private of H.M.’s 39^th, one drummer of the 4^th N.I. and one private of the sappers and miners, wounded, throughout the advance.

The western column under colonel Foulis arrived at noon of the 2d of April within two miles of Stony river, and at 2 p.m. a reconnoitring party discovered the enemy drawn up in position within 200 yards of the Company’s territory. Marching the next morning at six o’clock, the artillery, under captain C. Taylor, gave the stockade three rounds of canister and grape, after which it was stormed with trifling loss.

Between this and three and a half p.m. two stockades and two breastworks were stormed, the column having to fight its way over felled trees. At four p.m. it took up a position at Stony nullah, three and a half miles from the foot of the Huggul ghaut, a gun and a mortar occupying a strong advance post. This was attacked during the night, but the enemy were driven back by the artillery.

At six a.m. of the 4th April, the column ascended the Huggul ghaut and were met by a flag of truce. On the 5th it reached Veerachunderpett, and on the 7th, Mootoodanoor. The casualties on the 3d and 4th were, killed, H.M.’s 48th regiment, one lieutenant, four privates, one dresser; 20th N.I., two privates, 32d N.I., three privates; sappers and miners, one private wounded, staff, one captain; artillery, one serjeant, one corporal, one gunner; H.M.’s 48th regiment, one lieutenant, one serjeant, one corporal, fourteen privates; 20th N.I., two privates; 32d N.I., eight privates; sappers and miners, five privates: total killed and wounded, forty-eight.

The following is an extract from colonel Foulis’ despatch dated 7th April “To officers commanding corps he is greatly indebted for the steady manner in which they led their men, especially to captain Corlandt Taylor, commanding the artillery, who in the most gallant manner, brought his guns to bear within 70 yards of the first stockade, and ensured the capture which followed. The unwearied exertions of this officer, (though suffering from a sprained ancle) in always having his guns up a steep ghaut and prepared for action are beyond all praise”. The loss of the enemy was about 250 killed and wounded, including four chiefs.

The northern column under colonel Waugh was not so successful as the two preceding ones. The enemy was strongly stockaded at Bukh, on the brow of a steep ascent, to which a narrow pathway led,impracticable for artillery, until the work should be carried. Two parties were detached on the 3d April to turn the flanks of the work; but met in front of it. A destructive fire was opened on them; and, after four hours spent in vain attempts to carry it, they were obliged to retreat with the following heavy loss: killed H.M.’s 55 regiment, one lieutenant-colonel, three serjeants, one corporal, one drummer and twenty-three privates; sappers and miners, one European private, one havildar and four privates; rifle company, one private; 9th N.I., one ensign; 31st L.I., one ensign, one jemidar, one naigue and eight privates; total killed, forty-eight; wounded: artillery, two gunners; H.M.’s 55th regiment, one captain, two lieutenants, one adjutant, four serjeants, three corporals, one drummer and sixty privates; sappers and miners, eleven native privates; rifle company, one private; 9th N.I., one serjeant, one naigue, one drummer and four privates;31st L.I., one captain, one lieutenant, one subadar, one havildar, one naigue and twenty privates; total wounded 118; total killed and wounded, 166.

The western auxiliary column, under colonel Jackson, which was unaccompanied by artillery, was likewise repulsed, with the loss of killed, detachment of H.M.’s 48th regt., one serjeant, eight rank and file; 40th N.I., one subaltern, two havildars, one drummer and seventeen rank and file; native followers, four; total killed, 34; wounded, H.M.’s 48th, one subaltern and six rank and file; 40th N.I., one havildar and twenty-eight rank and file; two followers; total wounded, 38; total killed and wounded, 72.

On 10th April, Rajah Veerarjander Woodiah surrendered to brigadier Lindesay, and the following passage occurs in that officer’s despatch of the 11th announcing that event, and the consequent termination of hostilities.

“To major Poole of His Majesties 39th regiment, whom I placed in immediate command of the infantry brigade, to captain Seton, commanding the artillery and captain Underwood, the chief engineer, I have been indebted for the most zealous and able assistance, and I do but justice in reporting that the officers and soldiers of every rank and degree have, under all circumstances and in all respects, merited my most perfect approbration.”

The following artillery order was issued by captain Seton, dated Camp, Muddekerry, 24th April 1834. “Captain Seton, being about to proceed to Bangalore, considers it an imperative duty to express the high sense he entertains of the exertions of all ranks composing the artillery in the Coorg field force, during the period of their employment.

“The difficulties that each of the parties, attached to the several columns, have had to encounter, have been very great; and the manner, in which they have been overcome, is highly creditable to the skill and energy of those engaged."

“Captain C. Taylor, lieutenant Montgomery and lieutenant Timins, have been detached throughout the service, and the commanding officer has reason to know that each has merited and received the praises due to his exertions"

“Captain Seton wishes lieutenant Bell, commanding A company, 2d battalion, artillery, to accept his best thanks, which are due also in an especial manner to lieutenant Brice for the zeal and activity he has always displayed in the performance of his duties as brigade major, and to lieutenant Mawdesley whose alertness and minute attention to everything connected with his duty has been very conspicuous” With the following well earned tribute to the golundauze contained in captain Taylor’s report to the commandant of artillery, dated 6th April 1834, we close the notice of the brief Coorg campaign. “It is a duty I owe to the golundauze of the detachment to mention to the commandant that they brought their guns into play on the morning of the 3d instant, against a strongly manned stockade with all the coolness of the best soldiers; and their exertions during the day,>as well as their devotion whilst forcing our way up an unusually strong ghaut, and fighting from six a.m. till half past two p.m. was most exemplary.

To lieutenant Denman, who was with the advance of the column with me, much praise is due, and I should be further wanting in duty, were I not to particularize Oomed Allie, subadar of golundauze, and Boodar Cawn, jemadar of the lascars.” [2]

There is a very good blog by Murali Rama Varma on the history of the Coorg Royal family here http://muralirvarma.blogspot.com/2010/05/princely-coorg-and-chikka-veera.html

[1] Transcript from OIOC files sent to me by Prema Menon.
[2] Extract from ‘Services of the Madras Artillery’ by Begbie

Cotaparamba & Montana Forts. Arthur Wellesley & the Pazhassi Rajah

2009-12-28T07:50:00.079Z

Figure 1. Google Earth Image showing the locations of Cotaparamba and Montana. Click on the image for a larger version.

During the wars against the Pazhassi Raja some of the fiercest battles occurred at the foot of the Ghats around the modern towns of Koothuparamba and Mattanur.

At the commencement of the early 19th Century these small towns were minor settlements that became the sites of East India Company [EIC] forts called Cotaparamba and Montana. These forts commanded strategic cross roads on the main routes from the coast towards Coorg, the Wayanad, and Mysore.

These routes were vital to the EIC armies strategic mobility, because they had previously enabled the EIC Army to threaten Tipu Sultan's Mysore from the west coast in 1792 and 1799 as well as from the Coast of Coromandel. These tracks were also used by Brinjarries [1] to transport salt into the interior in exchange for rice and grain from Coorg and Mysore.

The forts were located right in the middle of the Pazhassi Rajah's home territory, and were situated along tracks previously cut by Tipu Sultan's army that the British intended to turn into defensive stop lines in order to prevent attacks by the Rajah against the Anjarakandy [2] pepper estates recently established by the EIC and Murdoch Brown. These tracks would also enable patrols to cut the Raja off from his sources of supply base located in his former possessions.

The battles around these key strategic sites at the foot of the Ghats in the Pazhassi Rajah's home territory were prolonged and gave Colonel Arthur Wellesley, the future Duke of Wellington considerable cause for concern at the time.

The purpose of this blog is to try to see if any remains of these two forts still remain in-situ?

If you happen to read this blog and you live nearby to either of these two locations, I would be very grateful if you would have a look at the following locations when next you pass by.

It is entirely possible that traces of the sites of two of the fiercest battles fought by the Pazhassi Rajah against troops under the command of the future Duke of Wellington survive in the form of earthworks or ruins of former foundations.

We have several descriptions of Cotaparamba Fort, and the best that I have found so far is that provided by Col. James Welsh written in 1821.

"On the 6th of February 1821, I was appointed by Sir Thomas Munro to command the provinces of Malabar and Canara, vacant by the death of Lieutenant-colonel Lindsey. The principal part of the journey being through places already mentioned, I shall pass over the whole till we left the foot of the Periah Pass, when proceeding by a new road to Cannanore, we arrived first at Canote, twelve miles from the bungalow at Nuddumbrseshawle; our old friend Mr. Baber, the Circuit Judge, having kindly come out to meet us the day before. This is a small place on the high road, with a little bridge over a small mountain stream ; and it is in a wild and beautiful spot, abounding with all kinds of game.

Our next march was to Cotaparamba, eight miles onward, an old square fort, on a commanding eminence, having a house in each of the bastions, and a delightful view in every direction. The Pioneers doing duty in Malabar and Canara, were at that time stationed at this place, under Lieutenant Rowley; and from it's height above the surrounding country, and more above the level of the sea, it must be both cool and healthy. Half-way between this place and Cannanore, there is a wide and deep river, over which a capital stone bridge was' erected a few years back by Captain Ravenshaw, of the Engineers; and the high road, which formerly went round some miles by Tellicherry, had now been made to pass directly through it."[3]

Figure 2. Possible Location of Cotaparamba Fort.
Click on the image for a larger version.

Lieutenants Ward and Conner also describe this fort, however they transcribed the name rather differently as Tullaparambu rather than Cotaparamba. Perhaps they found it had to turn the Malayalam into English.

The settlement that Ward and Conner called Kotium or Kotangady is known today as Kottayam.

"Kotium also called Kotangady, from a Moplah Bazar and mosques to the S. of another palace, belonging to the Pychee Rajah, at present in a neglected state, to the E. of it is a sheet [of] deep water about 1/2 a mile around - it lies N.E. 6 1/2 miles of Tellicherry. Tullaparambu on the high road to the Peria Pass lies one mile E. of Kotium - there is a small redoubt with 4 bastions, on two of them bungalows are built for the accommodation of travellers, to S. is a street of Bazars kept mostly by herdsmen and natives of the Eastern Coast. The roads from Cannanore and Tellicherry meet at this post."[4]

From the following Google Earth Image onto which I have superimposed a scale line one mile long, clearly shows that Tullaparambu. or Cotaparamba are the same location, and that it is very likely that the fort stood where the modern rectangular compound is located.

What is this compound used for today?

Is it a school, or perhaps the site of a mosque?

Was it perhaps formerly a temple?

Did the EIC take over and fortify a former temple site perhaps?

Figure 3. Google Earth Image showing the relationship between Cotaparambu and Kotium or Kottayam, as well as a one mile scale line superimposed onto the image. The former Kottayam Palace that had belonged to the Pazhassi Rajah and its associated lake can clearly be seen as described by Ward & Conner.
Click on the image for a larger version.

These two forts appear to have been built at the express command of Arthur Wellesley, the future Duke of Wellington. In late March 1800, Wellesley had travelled west from Seringapatam through Coorg and down the pass to Cannanore. He was in command of troops operating in South Mahratta Country, Coorg, Canara and the Northern Malabar.

He reached Cannanore on the 3rd of April, and like many travellers coming down the ghats from Coorg, which he had thought similar to Ireland, he felt the greatly increased heat and humidity on the coast.

"Colonel the Hon. A. Wellesley to Lieut. Colonel Close.

' My Dear Colonel, ' Cannanore, 3rd April, 1800.

I arrived here this morning, having been on the road one day longer than I expected. I found the weather exceedingly hot, and a want of water upon the road to refresh the followers and cattle obliged me to make two marches, where, under other circumstances, I should have made only one. We have, however, had rain nearly every night since I left Seringapatam.

I met here Mr. Smee and Captain Moncrieffe. The former has induced some of the nairs, under his influence, Kydree Amboo at their head, to commence to open a road from Cotaparamba by Mananderry to Tutucullum and Canote, and another by Pyche to Montana; the latter will not be difficult, as Tippoo had made one on the same line formerly. It is intended, if possible, before the rains, to establish a post at Canote, and another at Montana, to connect them by a road directly across from one to the other, and by another road between them by Perrywell, which last requires only to be opened. Mr. Smee has no doubt but that the nairs will effect these objects; and in order to facilitate them, I have sent in the pioneers and 1200 of the coolies, which had been hired for the expedition. If the Pyche Rajah is disposed to make an opposition to this measure (which Smee and Moncriefi'e think he will not), it must then be given over ; as all parties agree that the force in this country is not sufficient to carry it through. If it should be necessary to give over the plan, Smee does not apprehend that the Company's influence will be diminished in consequence of the failure, and as every yard of road which is made is so much gained towards effecting the great object, I have, upon the whole, thought it a measure which ought to be attempted. Excepting thirty men employed in guarding Kydree Amboo's house, not a sepoy will be engaged in the operation; so that however anxiously I may look forward for its success, I do not conceive that the honour of the Company's arms will be engaged in it. As soon as the roads will have been completed; or if it should be necessary to discontinue them, or, at all events, at the commencement of the monsoon, the coolies will be employed in carrying provisions to Cotaparamba, where I understand there are sheds and buildings sufficient to contain provisions for 3000 men for two months. If it, should be possible to make posts at Montana and Canote, they must, in the first instance, be held by the friendly nairs till we can move forward our provisions, first for a garrison, next for the number of men, and for the time above stated.

It will be a curious circumstance, if without troops we should be able to effect objects which it was imagined the largest detachment which could conveniently be brought together could not undertake; but it is to be observed that they will be effected by the nairs themselves, with the assistance of our people, and not by our force.

I have heard from Colonel Mignan that he had received a report from the officer commanding the post at Soobramany, stating that Kistnapah Naig had beat the Rajah's troops, and had taken Munserabad on the 24th of March. As I have not heard from you, or from Colonel Tolfrey, I conclude that there is no truth in the report; but if it should be true, we must only send off the flank companies of the 77th, now at Seringapatam, in readiness to march to Tolfrey's assistance, with orders to storm Munserabad.

I enclose a copy of Colonel Mignan's letter.

Believe me, &c. ' Lieut. Colonel Close. ' ' Arthur Wellesley.[5]

Arthur Wellesley went on to visit Tellicherry during this journey. His presence at Tellicherry is demonstrated by the following letter that he wrote on the 9th of April 1800 concerning the minting of new coinage.

To W. H. Gordon, Esq.

SlR, Tellicherry, 9th April, 1800.

I have received your report upon the proposed coinage of the Bengal gold mohurs and Soolack rupees in your treasury into Rajah's pagodas and rupees. By this it appears that, valuing the Rajah's pagoda at 8 per cent. above the star, each gold mohur will produce 4 star pagodas 16 fanams 11 1/2 cash, and more if the difference in value be increased.

It appears that by coining the Soolack rupees into Rajah's rupees, a loss will be incurred of about 5| per cent., supposing the Soolack rupee to be now worth as much as the Rajah's, which is not the case. As, however, upon the whole, the loss will be the less to the Company if the gold mohurs and Soolack rupees are recoined as above mentioned than if they are issued to the troops in their present form, and as to issue them in Rajah's pagodas and rupees will be more convenient, I request that you will have them recoined.

I have, &c.,

Arthur Wellesley.[6]

On the 10th of April 1800, Colonel Wellesley rode out to Cotaparamba, which he describes as follows..

"I went this morning to Cotaparamba, which is a neat little mud redoubt about nine miles from hence. It contains buildings which will hold a large quantity of provision and ammunition, with which, please God, they shall be filled in a few days. The road-making goes on well, and has not been interrupted. On the day after to-morrow I shall occupy Pyche fort on the Montana road, and Monanderry pagoda on that leading to Canote, and I hope in a few days afterwards to be able to take possession of the posts, which will be constructed at Montana and Canote."[7]

By the 13th of April 1800 Colonel Wellesley had moved back to Cannanore Fort.

Whilst there he wrote the following long letter and memorandum of instruction to Lt. Colonel Sartorius. In this memo he clearly instructs Sartorius to construct the two posts at Cotaparamba and Montana.

To Lieutenant-Colonel Sartorius.

Sir, Cannanore, 13th April, 1800.

I have received your letter of the 9th instant, and have taken into consideration its enclosures regarding the claim of the Moplahs to be retained in the Company's service till after the monsoon.

In my opinion they have no foundation whatever for such a claim ; and even if the inconveniences to be apprehended were greater than that stated by Lieutenant Osborne in his letter, I should think they ought to be discharged. To act otherwise would tend to disclose to the Moplahs the plans of Government for a future season, would answer no good purpose, would be expensive, and is not rendered necessary by the engagement entered into by you. This engagement states that the Moplahs are to receive two months' pay after the expiration of the war, that is to say, after the period when their services are no longer required, and they are discharged. In my opinion, they are discharged at this moment; and although they may be wanted again, their entering the service will depend upon themselves, and will be the consequence of another bargain to be made with them. They ought therefore in justice to receive the two months' pay from the day on which they were discharged from the service. It is true that this sudden discharge was not in contemplation when the bargain was made, but that by no means alters its tenor.

The desire which I have that all engagements made with the natives should be strictly adhered to, and the probability which exists that the services of these Moplahs will soon be required again, induce me to wish that they should receive their pay for two months from the day on which they were informed that their services would not be required. But it appears that they do not deem that they have a claim to this allowance; but they ask to be kept in the service in the expectation of being employed after the rains.

If that should be the case, it will be clear that they did not understand that the Company was bound to pay them for two months after their discharge, excepting they had been in the field. It will not then be necessary to pay them.

Upon the whole, I request that you will act as you. think proper; and I give you my opinion that if the Moplahs think themselves entitled to two months' pay, they ought to get it, as there is no doubt that by the engagement they are entitled to it.

I have, &c.,

Arthur Wellesley.

Memoranda for Colonel Sartorius.

1. As soon as possible, it will be proper that a sufficiency of grain for two months for 3000 Natives, and of arrack for the same period for 800 Europeans, and a large quantity of musket ammunition, should be placed in Cotaparamba.

2. When the roads will be completed to Montana by Pyche, and to Tutucullum or Canote by Mananderry, posts are to be established at Montana and Canote, and they are to be held by detachments of the Company's troops. A road is to be made, if possible, direct from Montana to Canote.

3. Although these posts may be established, and held, it will be proper that a small detachment should remain in Pyche Fort and in Mananderry, in order to secure the communication between Cotaparamba and the new posts.

4. When the posts at Montana and Canote and the necessary buildings will have been finished, and the road between them completed, it will be proper to move forward to those posts the grain and provisions and ammunition above requested to be laid in at Cotaparamba.

5. It will be proper that there should be at least one gun, if not two, in each of the posts at Canote and Montana.

6. As it is said that the Pyche Rajah will endeavour to prevent the making of the proposed roads to Montana and to Canote, it will not be proper under the present circumstances to risk a contest to force it: but at whatever place the road may have arrived when he will attempt to stop it, it will be proper to construct a redoubt, provided the situation is fit for it; and this redoubt must be kept filled with stores, &c., &c., in the same manner as above requested with regard to the posts to be established at Canote and Montana.

7. After the posts will have been completed at Canote and Montana, it will be proper, if possible, to continue the road on to Pereweil, and in a direction which will be pointed out by Captain Moncrieff.

8. There are two rivers on the road between Cotaparamba and Montana, and one or two on that to Canote. These rivers are not fordable during the rainy season. It will be proper to have a jungar upon each of them, platformed as is that between Tellicherry and Cotaparamba. As in case an attempt should be made upon either of these posts, the jungars would immediately be destroyed in order to prevent assistance from reaching them, it will be proper that a certain number of boats, platforms, &c., should be laid up in Cotaparamba in order to avoid the inconvenience of waiting till boats to cross the rivers could be brought from the coast.

9. It will be proper to reinforce Cotaparamba, in order that the commanding officer there may be able to give assistance to any of the posts in advance which may be attacked.

10. A few of the Bombay coolies will be kept during the rainy season.

11. As there are no arms at Mangalore, as the troops there are employed in the field, and their arms are totally unserviceable, I request that Colonel Sartorius will send to Mangalore from the arsenal at Cannanore 300 stand of arms.

12. The troops stationed in the Cotiote country may be supposed at all times liable to be attacked ; their arms are in bad order, and they ought to have new arms without delay.

Arthur Wellesley.[8]

It is clear from the memorandum above that Cotaparamba was going to be an important forward operating base during the months to come. The monsoon would arrive in the area within a few weeks, and he wished to get his troops into cover by then. He also needed to ensure that his men had supplies because it would become very difficult to supply them once the rivers filled with the runoff from the Monsoon.

Wellesley wrote to Bombay to explain his thinking behind the recent orders he had given to Lieut. Col. Sartorius.

The Pazhassi Rajah was already an experienced proponent of guerilla warfare, at least a decade before the term came into common usage in Spain, where Arthur Wellesley later supported Spanish irregular forces against Napoleon's armies. It is highly probable that Wellesley's experience of being on the receiving end of "guerilla" attacks, by the Pazhassi Rajah's adherents, would influence his thinking in Spain a decade later.

Wellesley and his predecessors had been trying to bring the Rajah to battle since 1797, and like most regular troops faced by guerilla attacks, they had found this very hard to do.

It is quite possible that Arthur Wellesley in April 1800, was beginning to come to terms with fighting insurgents, and had decided to try to force the Rajah into battle by building these roads and forts into the heartland of the Rajah's former territories. In this way perhaps he hoped to force the Rajah to come out of the jungle to attack these forts and road building parties.

To the Adjutant-General, Bombay.

Sir, Seedapoor, 17th April, 1800.

Since I had the honour of addressing the Secretary of Government, the roads which I then stated were making have been completed to Pyche and to Mananderry. These posts were to be occupied by the Company's troops.

There was every reason to believe that the roads would soon be completed to Montana and to Canote, at which places I have directed that redoubts and buildings for containing provisions and stores may be constructed, and that the two posts may be connected by a road across from the one to the other.

I have desired that a large quantity of provisions and ammunition may be thrown into Cotaparamba without loss of time ; and as soon as the posts at Montana and Canote will be constructed and connected with each other, and held by the Company's troops, these articles will be removed to them. Pyche and Mananderry will still be kept during the rains, in order to secure and render more easy the communication between Cotaparamba and the more advanced posts at Montana and Canote ; and I have directed Colonel Sartorius to place platformed jungars [9] upon the rivers which cross the roads, and are not fordable during the monsoon. He will besides place boats, &c., in Cotaparamba, in order that in case any attempt should be made on the advanced posts, and the jungars should be destroyed to prevent them from receiving relief, it may be possible to ford them without waiting for boats to be sent for from the sea-coast.

In this manner arrangements have been made for establishing and securing posts in the centre of the Cotiote country, which will materially forward the operations of the troops at the opening of the ensuing season.[10]

The pioneers under Captain Moncrieff were tasked with cutting the roads to link up the forts at Cotaparamba and Montana. They were soon coming under attack from the Pazhassi Rajah's men.

Captain Ward commanded the base at Cotaparamba, and he was expected to support and maintain contact with the working parties on the new road and at Fort Montana.

It appears that the fort at Montana came under siege during the period between May and August 1800. Reinforcements had to be sent up from the coast at Cannanore, and these were commanded by Major Holmes.

The first of these relief columns must have fought their way through in late July or early August 1800.

"Provincial Orders, Cananore, Aug. 8, 1800.

Col. Sartorious requests Maj. Holmes will accept his warmest thanks for his zealous and active exertions in the relief of Montana. The commanding-officer's sincere thanks are also due to the whole of the officers and men employed, for their gallant and steady conduct, as reported by Maj. Holmes; without which, the obstacles they had to encounter could not have been overcome, in performing the services they have effected." [11]

The following dispatch by Wellesley describes the campaign he hoped to fight.

"Colonel the Hon. A. Wellesley to Lieut. Colonel Close.

My DEAR Colonel, Camp at Kittoor, 10th August, 1800.

I omitted to answer one part of your letter of the 1st instant regarding Reyman Beg, the prisoner at Nundydroog. In my opinion, unless Baba Saheb gives his consent, he cannot be punished, but that may probably be obtained through the means of Captain Kirkpatrick.

Nothing new here. Stevenson is crossing the Malpoorba at Kanapoor, and I am making preparations to cross it at Sungoly. If my native friends were a little alert, I should have twenty boats ready to-morrow.

I heard from Webbe last night, and I am very much concerned to find that he is not going to Poonah. Among other things, he informs me that the five companies of the 12th, and the 2nd of the 5th,. are coming up the ghauts, as he says, to enable me to oppose the Rajahs in Malabar. I have already ordered these corps to Seringapatam, there to remain encamped under the Caryghaut hill till further orders; and I have ordered guns to be equipped for them at that place, and every thing else to be prepared.

The question is, in what manner shall they be employed against the Rajahs in Malabar? In my opinion they ought to go below the ghauts as soon as the weather will permit, if Purneah's people are able to keep the Rajah at all within bounds on the Mysore side of Wynaad; and if I hear from you that that is the case, I shall order them to Cannanore without loss of time. The season will be fair by the time that they will receive my orders, after I shall have heard from you.

If they are to oppose the Pyche Rajah on the side of Wynaad, they must, I am afraid, remain on the defensive, as they are not sufficiently strong by themselves to enter that jungly country; and I am besides informed that it will be impossible to commence operations in it till the month of November.

It may be possible to open the campaign early in Cotiote, and push forward the roads, and establish ourselves at the foot, if not on the top, of the ghauts; and then, if I am in luck, I shall have settled matters here before November, and can march down to Wynaad, and settle matters there before the setting in of the next rains.

Let me hear from you as soon as you can respecting the ability of Purneah's troops to confine the Rajah to his jungles.

Believe me, etc. ' Lieut. Colonel Close. ' Arthur Wellesley.

Kistnapah arrived this morning. The 19th not come yet.'"[12]

Wellesley was annoyed that the bush hadn't been cut back far enough on either side of the roads between the camps, to allow for sufficient fields of fire for escorting parties, to be able to fight their way through.

"Colonel the Hon. A. Wellesley to Lieut. Colonel Close.

' My Dear Colonel, ' Camp at Hoobly, 20th August, 1800.

I return the papers from Major Walker. I had before received accounts from Malabar of the relief of the two posts. These roads will not answer unless they do as I desired them at first; that is, cut the underwood to a considerable distance on each side of the road. I have ordered Sartorius to employ the pioneers and coolies on this work immediately, as whatever may be the plan for the next campaign, the communication with Montana must be made secure, or all will be lost. It will be fortunate if Purneah can check the Nairs on the Mysore side; if he cannot, the 12th and 2nd of the 5th must go that way.

If he can check them they shall go to Malabar; and I will send orders to begin by pushing the roads to the foot of the ghauts. Major Walker's plan of having a force assembled in Mysore, to give room for apprehension in that quarter, would be excellent, if we had troops in Malabar to stand even upon the defensive, or to make such improvements in our roads and posts as are necessary to their security, and to give us the means hereafter of deriving a full advantage from them. But they are so weak in Malabar, their force is so dispersed, and it is so difficult to persuade the commissioners to allow it to be collected, that I am afraid we shall suffer in Cotiote if we should not be able to send thither this reinforcement. However, Mysore is the first object, and if Purneah cannot stop the Nairs, the 12th and 2nd of the 5th must.

I hope to be able to march on the 22nd. Dhoondiah is in a bad way; his people are starving, are leaving him, and reproach him with their misfortunes. He retorts upon them, and desires them to give their wives and daughters to the Europeans, whom they are afraid to fight. This is the report, and that the Patans have left him.

All my arrangements are made, and in a few days I shall press upon him at all points at the same moment.

Believe me, etc. ' Lieut. Colonel Close.' ' Arthur Wellesley."[13]

By August Colonel Arthur Wellesley was travelling and campaigning many miles to the north near Dharwar and Hubly trying to pacify the surrounding districts in the aftermath of Tipu Sultan's defeat. The Mahrattas and Pindaris were making the most of their opportunities to take over parts of Tipu's former empire. In the middle of this important campaign Wellesley had also to take steps to prevent the Pazhassi Rajah from capitalising on the success of his attack at Montana.

"Colonel the Hon. A. Wellesley to Lieut. Colonel Close.

My Dear Colonel, ' Camp at Hoobly, 21st August, 1800.

I have just received your letter of the 18th. I am afraid that the attempt to establish a depot at Hurryhur, or on the Werdah, would ruin us entirely, as I should find that the brinjarries, who of course, like the other dealers, object to coming to such a distance, would lodge their rice at the depdt instead of bringing it forward. It would be impossible to frame any arrangement to prevent that, and the idea must therefore be laid aside, although it would certainly be desirable to have a depot, and the nearer the better.

If the dealers from Mysore do not like to come forward, it cannot be helped, we must do without them.

The loss at Montana was very great certainly; but not so much so as is represented by the commissioners whose letters I return. There is a post half way between Cotaparamba and Montana, called Pyche, which was abandoned, but since the roads have been made, at the particular desire of Sartorius, who had not troops to take care of it. My opinion is, that the Pyche Rajah will now withdraw his people from both those posts in Cotiote, where he has lost many men, and that he will direct his efforts to the Mysore side. If he does withdraw, they should lose no time in throwing in a further supply to Montana, and in making such improvements on the roads as will render the communication more easy in future.

I see no reason why all the troops that can be spared should not be immediately collected, be pushed forward to Cotaparamba, and employed to cover the working parties upon the road between the river and Montana."[14]

That the battle to maintain contact with the Fort at Montana was a protracted one, involving several convoys being fought through from the coast is clear from the following letters sent to Major Holmes during the autumn of 1800.

Brigade-Major Spens to Major Holmes.

" Cananore, Oct. 1, 1800. " Sir, — I am directed by Col. Sartorious to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 29th ult., and to convey to you his most warm thanks for having, with so much judgment, with the detachment under your command, overcome every difficulty in executing the arduous and severe service of the last relief of Montana: and he begs you will make known, in the most public manner, to Captains Baird and Howden, and to all the officers and men of your detachment, his sense of their persevering exertions on this trying occasion, and which he will have great pleasure in reporting to the Hon. Colonel Wellesley.—I have," &c.

Arthur Wellesley's troops were under significant pressure maintaining the forts that Wellesley had commanded be set up. It is clear that several actions took place in the months after August 1800.

The Hon. Colonel Wellesley to Colonel Sartorious.

" Camp, 10 miles south of Kopal, Nov. 15, 1800. " I also request that you will communicate to Maj. Holmes that paragraph in the inclosed extract, which relates to him. I am concerned that his health should oblige him to go to Bombay; and I request you will give the enclosed letter to the Gov. in Council of that settlement."

Extract (referred to above) of a Letter from the Chief Sec. to the Government of Madras to the Hon. Colonel Wellesley.

" Fort St. George, Nov. 7, 1800. " I have had the honour of receiving your letter of the 13th ult. with its enclosures, and am directed to express to you the satisfaction of the Right Hon. the Gov. in Council at the conduct of Maj. Holmes, and of the troops under his command, in the last relief of the post of Montana."

The Hon. Colonel Wellesley to the Hon. the Gov. in Council of Bombay,

Camp, 10 miles south of Kopal, Nov. 15, 1800. " Sir,—As I understand from Col. Sartorious that Maj. Holmes is about to leave Malabar, and to join his corps at Surat, 1 take this opportunity of expressing to you my high sense of the service which he has rendered to the public during the time that he has commanded the troops in the Cotiote districts. I have already taken an opportunity of mentioning, in favourable terms, his services to the government of Fort St. George ; but, as Major Holmes is about to be more immediately under your orders, I take the liberty of recommending him to your favourable notice.

(Signed) " Arthur Wellesley."[15]

Montana can be located by following the route descriptions, as also can the approximate location of the Pyche Post.

Figure 4. Probable location of Montana Fort.
Please click onto image for a larger image.

Ward and Conner describe Montana Fort as follows: -

"Montetana N.E. 8 1/2 miles from Canote was once a Military Post, there is a Redoubt on the summit of a low hill in good order but over run with wood, the inhabitants in the neighbourhood principally Nairs-several roads from the westward communicate here."[16]

That the battles to relieve Montana were protracted and fierce are apparent from the following paragraph in a much longer letter Arthur Wellesley wrote on the 10th of October 1800 to Lieut. Col. Close from Hubly. The French under Napoleon had landed in Egypt and were planning to march to India.

"I am more pressed than ever about troops. Lord Clive calls upon me to have a detachment ready to take possession of the Ceded province, and then to march to Poonah. Sir William Clarke and Uhtoffe swear that the French are coming from Egypt, and want all the native infantry I have got; on the other hand, the last relief of Montana cost us 154 men killed and wounded (most of them coolies, however), and they are crying out there because they do not see the 12th and 2nd of the 5th marching into Cannanore on the 30th September, on which day they left Seringapatam. My business is to get over these difficulties in the best manner I can, and what follows is the arrangement which I propose. In addition to every thing, I must also inform you that the fright which affects Sir William Clarke and Uhtoffe pervades Bombay, whefe, on account of the supposed danger, the 88th, which I expected in Malabar, is detained." [17]

Contained within the same letter is another fascinating paragraph where Wellesley describes the difficulties he is under due to the Pazhassi Rajah's attacks.

I now come to the most difficult part, which is Malabar. They say there is a rebellion in Wynaad, and we may hope, like Voltaire, that the Nairs of the Pyche Rajah may be strangled with ropes made of the bowels of those on the side of Yeman Nair: but still it is necessary to take measures for sustaining that post if possible. There is nothing that can be done, excepting to send into Malabar half of the 75th regiment from Mangalore. I gave orders upon that subject this day. Thus, then, I shall have provided for all the immediate calls for troops, excepting those dictated by the fears of an Egyptian invasion.[18]

Wellesley was coming under increasing pressure from the Bombay Government to release troops to take part in the Indian Army Expeditionary Force that would sail to Egypt to fight the French expeditionary force.

The Pazhassi Rajah was tying down scarce troops that are badly needed elsewhere.

So although Koothuparamba and Mattanur may seem sleepy country towns today, two hundred and ten years ago, they were at the centre of World affairs.

They provided a formidable training ground for the man who went on to become Britain's most important General, and one who would change the face of European for several generations.

[1] Brinjarries, Indian corn merchants, who used pack cattle to transport corn and other grain across much of India. These merchants were able to mobilise many hundreds and sometimes thousands of cattle to move grain. The support of these merchants was vital to the success of any 19th Century army in India. The EIC ability to pay these Brinjarries when their enemies lacked available ready money often determined the outcome of these 19th Century conflicts.
[2] For more on Anjarakandy see http://malabardays.blogspot.com/2009/01/murdoch-brown-overseer-of-randattara.html
[3]James Welsh, Military reminiscences: extracted from a journal of nearly forty years Published 1833, page 176.
[4] Lieutenants Ward and Conner, A Descriptive Memoir of Malabar, Published, 1906 & 1995. Pages 41 & 42.
[5] The dispatches of Field Marshal the Duke of Wellington: Volume 1, Page 61. Published 1837
[6] Duke of Wellington: Volume 1, Page 524.
[7] The dispatches of Field Marshal the Duke of Wellington: Supplementary to the First, Second, and Third Volumes Relating to India, Page 59. Edited by Lieut. Col. Gurwood.
[8] Duke of Wellington: Volume 1, Page 519.
[9] platformed jungars, Pontoon ferries, made up of pairs of country boats fitted with a platform to carry guns or men and horses over these muddy rivers during the monsoon.
[10] Duke of Wellington: Volume 1, Page 524.
[11] "The East India Military Calendar, Volume 1. page 411. Originally published in 1823.
[12] Duke of Wellington: Volume 2, Page 137.
[13] Duke of Wellington: Volume 2, Page 142.
[14] Duke of Wellington: Volume 2, Page 143.
[15] "The East India Military Calendar, Volume 1. page 411 & 413. Originally published in 1823.
[16] Lieutenants Ward and Conner, page 41.
[17] Duke of Wellington: Volume 2, Page 183.
[18] Duke of Wellington: Volume 2, Page 185.

The Development of the Forts at Tellicherry 1680 to 1750

2009-12-06T13:32:00.095Z

Figure 1. A drawing of Tellicherry published in 1736, showing the fort as it appeared some years earlier. [Please click onto the image for a larger version.] Courtesy of the British Library.

This engraving is thought to have been based on a painting done in about 1721. It shows a stone built fort, however the fort is clearly shown to have four equally sized corner bastions, quite unlike the fort we can visit today, with its pair of diagonally opposed bastions.

I believe that this stone fort around the factory is the English fort referred to in the following account.

Captain Alexander Hamilton in his "A new account of the East Indies," wrote the following about Tellicherry, which he had visited several times between 1702 and 1723.

"In Anno 1702. I hired a Ship called the Albemarle, in Service of the new established East-india Company, to serve me three Months and an half on a Voyage from Surat to the Malabar Coast, and back; and having Occasion to call at Cannanore, I accompanied the Captain of the Fort and an English Factor from Tellicherry to the Court of Omnitree, Successor to the eldest son of the Samorin before mentioned, who died in his voyage to Mecca......"

"The next Province to Adda Rajah’s dominions is Tellicherry, where the English East-india Company has a factory, pretty well fortified with Stone Walls and Cannon.

The Place where the Factory now stands belonged to the French, who left the Muddwalls of a Fort built by them, to serve the English when they first settled there, and for many Years they continued so, but of late no small Pains and Charge have been bestowed on its buildings; but for what Reasons I know not, for it has no River near it that can want its Protection, nor can it defend the Road from the Insults of Enemies, unless it be for small Vessels that can come within some Rocks that ly half a Mile off, or to protect the Company’s Ware-house, and a Punch-house that stands on the Sea-shore a short Pistol-shot from the Garrison.

The Town stands at the Back of the Fort, within Land, with a Stone Wall round it, to keep out Enemies of the Chiefs making, for in 1703, he began a War that still continues, at least there were Folks killed in 1723. When I was there: and I was informed by a Gentleman of Judgement there, that the War and Fortifications had taken Double the Money to maintain them that the Company’s Investments came to.

The Occasion of the War, as I was informed, began about a Trifle. The Nayer, that was Lord of the Mannor, had a Royalty, for every Vessel that unladed at Tellicherry, paid two Bales of Rice Duty to him. There was another Royalty of every tenth Fish that came to the Market there, and both together did not amount to 20 L. Ster. Per Annum. The Chief either appropriated these Royalties to his own, or the Company’s Use, and the Nayar complained of the Injustice, but had no Redress. These little Duties were the best Part of the poor Nayar’s Subsistence, which made it the harder to bear, so his Friends advised him to repel Force by Force, and disturb the Factory what he could, which he accordingly did (by the secret Assistance of his Friends) for above 20 years. The Company are the best Judges whether the War is like to bring any Profit to their Affairs there, or no.

The established Religion of this Country is Paganism; but there are a few black Christians that live under the Protection of the Factory, and some of them serve for Soldiers in the Garison. They have a little Church standing within the outward Wall of the Factory, served by a Portugueze Priest or two, who get their Subsistence by the Alms of the Parish. And the English have Punch-houses, where the European Soldiers to Bacchus, and if thy want Devotion, which their Accounts can certify at Pay-day, they are forced to commute with their Officer, or undergo some wholesome Discipline or Chastisement."[1]

I believe the fort in Figure 1, was built on the site of the original French mud fort.

The French colonial system was run by the French State unlike the privately owned English East India Company, and was centrally controlled by Colbert who had set up the "Compagnie des Indes" in August 1664. The company will have used its experience from other earlier settlements to aid it's development of the new settlement at Tellicherry.

It is possible that the first French traders at Tellicherry were led by Monsieur Dellon, as Robert Orme describes below ..

"V. Dellon, the physician, sailed from France in March 1668, and after some employment at the settlements on Madagascar and Bourbon, arrived at Surat in September 1669, from whence he sailed, in the beginning of 1670, with the orders to remove the French factory at Beliapatam to Tellicherry, where they established a house in the month of June. This was several years before the English settled there. In the way the ship stopped at Rajapore and Mirzeou, where the French" company had likewise factories. From Tellicherry Dellon was occasionally employed in their concerns of trade at Callicut, Tanore, and Chaly, and incidentally saw Bergerah and Cognally, which lie between Callicut and Tellicherry.In the month of June 1671, Flacour, the French agent, went from hence to settle a trade at Seringapatam, the capital of Mysore. Dellon intending to accompany him, went as far as the foot of the mountains, but was deterred there by the excessive violence of the torrents, and came back: Flacour persisted, and returned from Seringapatam in November. In January 1672, Dellon sailed from Tellicherry on his return to Surat: …."[2]

The French company used very much the same fort building techniques in all of its overseas colonies, and we can therefore compare French forts in India with those being built in Canada at around the same time, in order to get some idea of what the original French fort at Tellicherry would have looked like.

Figure 2. Fort Frontenac, built by the French on the shores of Lake Ontario in Canada.
[Please Click on the image for a larger version.][3]

Fort Frontenac occupies a very similar site, and had a very similar function to the French settlement at Tilcheri or Tilchery as the French called Thalassery. However instead of dealing in pepper, Frontenac was designed for trading furs with North American Indian's and to protect those goods before they were taken away across the river routes to the St. Lawrence and across the Atlantic to Europe.

The similarity in size and layout of Fort Frontenac with the early fort that I believe existed on the site of the modern bazaar at Thalassery and which is shown in Figure 1 can easily be seen.

The factory buildings and warehouses can be seen inside the walls in the Frontenac drawing, as well as their associated bastions.

On the enlarged image of the drawing of Frontenac it is also possible to see a mixture of walls built out of timber stockades, and walls being re-built in stone, which were at most risk of being attacked. I believe the same process occurred between 1690 and 1725 at Tellicherry.

I believe the 1720's painting shows that the English had replaced the original French mud walls and wooden stockade with stone walls, probably after 1703 and probably as a response to the Nair's attacks.

William Logan names this Nair as the Kuragoth Nayar, and perhaps he should rightfully receive the title of the first resistance fighter against the English, and not Pazhassi Raja. On the 20th August 1708, the Northern Regent made over the site of the Fort to the English.

Royal writing from Prince Badacalamcuro of the Pally Palace, to the Honourable English Company in the year 883 (1708).

The fort of Tellicherry has been built at the request and entreaties made by me as a friend. To acknowledge the love and friendship which the Company bears towards me and my palace, I give and make over the said fort with its limits to the Honourable Company, where no person shall demand, collect and plant. Our custom house will be obliged to give us what has been settled.

This day, August 20th, 883.[4]

The earliest surviving documentary evidence for the English settlement at Tellicherry is the first entry made in the English East India Company Factory Letter book dated the 24th October 1699, which suggests that the English had arrived in Tellicherry shortly before then.[5]

It is very likely that they initially made do with the old French mud walls until they had established that the settlement was a viable trading venture.

By 1708, the old stockades and mud wall had probably reached the end of there effective life, having rotted away or been eroded by the monsoon rains, and the HEIC was faced with replacing it. I expect that they reached an agreement with the Prince to ensure that their investment was on land that they had title to.

The hostilities with the Nair probably account for the lack of houses outside the walls of the fort and the compound between the fort and the beach in Figure 1.

I believe the tall open fronted building on the beach was probably the customs house, but it could just as easily have been the fish market.

Where was the Punch House?

Punch was the old English word for a fruit drink, and the English were here applying it to the Arrack or Toddy they encountered in India, which of course from it's potency was perceived to pack quite a punch. A pun that no doubt when down well with the rough and ready expats living in Tellicherry at that time.

I think the Punch House described by Hamilton is probably the building above the steps. At Fort St. David at this same period, these arrack houses were often supplied by Malabari distillers, working for European's who held the concession to sell the Arrack to the troops. These poor sick and homesick soldiers would often drink themselves into oblivion. The gun room sergeants were often allowed to brew Arrack themselves for sale to the newly arriving ships. These ships usually arrived in a three or four week period once a year, staying for perhaps four to six weeks.

The first days ashore must have been fairly wild in the Punch House, as all those thirsty sailors quenched their thirsts. How the poor soldiers must have wished that they could leave on those ships, like the transitory sailors, and many soldiers must have known that their chances of ever getting home again were very slight indeed.

For a long time I thought that the existing Fort was probably built on top of the site of the former French mud fort, but I no longer think that this was the case.

The French fort, and its earliest English successor structure was built primarily to defend against Indian enemies coming from inland.

The fort and its associated settlement had to be of sufficient size that it was able to protect the warehouses, which had to be large enough to contain sufficient trade goods collected over the course of a year to fill the holds several 400 ton ships arriving each season from England. It also had to be large enough to store food and ammunition to enable the garrison to hold out for nine or more months in case the settlement was cut off from supplies, until the annual fleet arrived to rescue any remaining survivors.

This means it had to be larger internally than the fort that survives today, which is quite small inside. There is also no real space for barracks inside the current fort. Where did the men live?

The French had moved out of Tellicherry, not because the English had forced them to move away, but because they had been able to negotiate for a much better site with the rival Raja at Mahé about five miles to the south. This site had a much better river for an anchorage, and was easier to fortify.

It was the British who had arrived last, long after the Dutch at Cannanore, and the French at Mahé had secured the best trading spots. It was the English East India Company who had had to take over the remaining and least favourable site on this part of the coast.

Even they had really wanted to set up to at Dharmapatam, but that was already occupied by the Bebeé of Arrakal, who at that stage was still powerful enough to keep out the Europeans.

In the early days of the 18th Century the French and the English at Tellicherry and Mahé had a gentleman's agreement to maintain neutrality towards each other, even if wars broke out in Europe between their respective countries.

However this was not always possible and by the 1720's the French had begun to build very substantial fortifications at Mahé which were much superior to any of the English forts in the region.

The French under Vauban, with long borders to defend in Europe, had had to build many huge forts during the late 17th Century and early 18th Century. They had developed military engineers and surveying schools, that were the best in Europe, and far in advance of anything the English possessed at that time. Some of these engineers and surveyors arrived in India during the 1740's.

Their highly detailed and very accurate drawings survive in large numbers in the Centre des archives d'outre-mer.

Many of these drawings are of Mahé, and one in particular extends far enough up the coast to show the Forts shortly before 1741 at Tellicherry. It is quite possible that this drawing had been prepared in case the French had the opportunity to attack the settlement.

The plan quite clearly shows that there was a large extension to the east of the fort that survives today, stretching out over most of the area currently occupied by the modern bazaar.

This fort extension contains many red blocks on the plan, which are I believe the houses the garrison lived in, and also the warehouses the pepper was stored in. This was probably a secure trading area, occupied by Portuguese and Mopilla merchants working as intermediaries for the East India Company. Groups of porters would be constantly coming and going bringing pepper and cardoman from the interior. There was probably trading going on with local representatives of the Rajas coming into this part of the fort.

Figure 3. An extract of a French map dated to 1741, showing the Fortifications around Mahé.
The map is especially interesting because it shows us that the fort was much larger than the structure that we can currently see.
Centre des archives d'outre-mer (CAOM)[Please click onto the image for a larger version.]

When you scale up the drawing and you superimpose it onto a Google Earth image, you start to find that many of the alignments formerly occupied by fort walls, are still present on the ground preserved in modern road alignments and property boundaries.

Figure 4. The Lines of the Fort from the 1741 French map superimposed
onto Google Earth. [Please click on image for a large picture.]

There seems to be a discernible sequence to the development of the Fort. I believe that the existing fort was built after 1723. It is quite possible that it was built in the 1730's in the face of increasing hostility from not just the Indian's but the French as well.

The original fort was criticised by Hamilton for not commanding the "Road". When he uses the word road, he doesn't mean a track on land, but he is using a nautical term referring to a place where ships could lay at anchor.

Most of the trading vessels on the coast were Pattimars and other coastal vessels of Indian origin. Many of these were under charter to East India Company officials acting in both their professional capacity, but also undertaking private trade on their behalf.

These vessels were at risk not just from the French, but also from European pirates as well as Indian fleets under Angria and others who routinely attacked passing coastal shipping.

These small vessels were between 20 and 200 tons in draught and could enter the bay and anchor inside the rocky reef, under cover of cannon from the raised fort batteries.

I believe that the fort we can currently visit was built as an artillery platform intended not so much to fight of Indian attackers coming from inland, as European landings from passing ships or attacks on the roads by Indian shipping coming along the coast from places like Geriah.

Figure 5. Showing the 1730's Fort. Courtesy of Jissu Jacob.

The fort we see today is built much higher above the surrounding ground than most forts constructed at that period e by Europeans, who tended to sink the walls down behind ditches in an attempt to make them less vulnerable to destructive cannon fire, that could soon cut a ramp and breach into an unprotected wall. It is also fitted with a Cavalier, to be able to dominate the surrounding area with fire in a more effective manner, than would have been possible before from a position further from the shore, and with lower cannon platforms.

Figure 6. Sketch of existing Tellicherry Fort, with a Cavalier on top of the bastion at the top right hand corner.

A Cavalier is a smaller bastion, sitting on top of the lower bastion, mounting a second higher tier of cannon. Every foot of elevation gained, gave a longer range to the cannons in the fort.

I believe the English in the settlement had also become concerned about the number of "Blacks and Portugeze" living in the older fort who might not always be reliable in the event of a serious attack, and had prepared the new fort to act as a refuge in the event of the town inside the earlier lower fort falling to assault, perhaps started by one of the columns of porters and merchants entering the gates ostensibly to trade.

That coastal attack was also a major concern is also illustrated by the Hornwork and Bastions that are also shown to have existed between the modern fort and the sea, which must have occupied the site of the recently restored churchyard.

I believe that the first French fort was built between 1670 and 1690 on the alignment shown in red. During the period after 1699 and before 1723 it was refaced in stone by the English, both to make it more secure, and to stop the continual erosion of the earthworks which must have occurred with every monsoon.

Figure 7. A Google Earth image marked up to show the probable development phases of the Tellicherry Fort. Red, French & English Forts, 1670 to 1723. Blue, English 1723 to 1735, Black outer works by 1735.[Please click onto the image for a larger version.]

The outer Hornworks on the site of the present graveyard may only have been built in earth and timber as they seem to have been replaced by a stone wall with crenellations by 1761.

Figure 8. Tellicherry drawn from the deck of the ship America on the 17th March 1761. [Please click onto the image for a larger version.]

Figure 9. The 1761 drawing marked to show the existing surviving bastion and the flagpole, as well as the outer crenellated wall, that had replaced the Hornwork in the 1741 French Map.

Figure 10. A drawing showing the presumed line of the Crenellated Wall shown in the 1761 drawing. [Please click on the image for a larger version.]

It is possible that the line of the crenellated wall might have been preserved by the modern wall along the top boundary of the existing churchyard. The recently restored church is mid 19th century, and the crenellated wall had been demolished long before the church yard wall was built. However by the time the church was built, many hundreds of English and Europeans had already been buried in the graveyard.

It would have been logical that these graves and hence the graveyard should be just outside the line of the defended settlement, and yet still in a position where it was positioned under the eyes of the forts garrison to ensure that it was not vandalised.

It is also very likely that the foot of the crenellated wall was the place that the earliest graves were dug, and that this set the later boundary for the Victorian churchyard. Whilst there was a derelict church on the site of the existing one, which was replaced, it may not have been very well constructed. The 18th Century was not a particularly religious time in Britain, and most garrisons of East India garrisons at this time probably held services in the gun room as was the case in 1750's Fort St. David.

Figure 11. Photo showing the recently restored wall at the top of the churchyard. Photo courtesy of Jissu Jacob.

Oddly enough, it is very probable that none of the forts described above saw any action, apart from defending against the early attacks of the gallant Nair in the 1720's.

By 1730 the settlement had moved inland by several miles, and an outer ring of forts was built.

It was these forts that held off the Mysore Armies during the invasion by Hyder Ali, that I will describe in another post in the coming weeks.

[1] Captain Alexander Hamilton, "A new account of the East Indies," volume 1,published in 1727, pages 296 to 298. Alexander Hamilton.
[2] Historical fragments of the Mogul empire: of Morattoes, … Robert Orme, published 1782. Section 1. xii
[3] From a Wikipedia article at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fort_Frontenac , the image can be found at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Fort_frontenac.jpg See also http://oldfortniagara.org/history/fortdev.php?id=2 for a very similar fort at Niagara also in Canada, which also evolved over the same period, in much the same way as Tellicherry did.
[4] From "A Collection of Treaties, Etc., Relating to British Affairs in Malabar, by William Logan, published in 1879, 1891, 1951 & 1989, page 2. The original was in Portuguese and the Portuguese text can also be found in Logan.
[5] William Logan, Malabar Manual, page 347.

The Malabar Rajah’s in 1797.

2009-10-25T12:48:00.010Z

Walter Ewer gives us a very interesting description of the Rajahs along the Malabar Coast in 1797. Many of these gentlemen would be closely involved in the Pazhassi Rajahs struggle with the East India Company.

“It may not be amiss to give a rough statement of the Revenues, & Force of the Northern Division of the Malabar, & of the Characters of the Rajah’s, as far as I have been able to get at them.

Cherical Rajah. High spirited & independent, collects his own Country, pays regularly, & will not suffer any of our Courts. Can raise about 6500 fighting men, & pays nett 1,20,000 R’s.

The Choolia Nambyar his vassal, & commands about 2000 of the above warriors, this man is troublesome to the Rajah’s wants to make himself independent of him, to collect his own District & to pay the company. He is not to be trusted, at the Death of the Rajah, an event likely to happen soon. We may find ourselves under the necessity of allowing this, to keep him quiet, as in case of Refusal, he may perhaps draw his sword. Cotiote Rajah [2] at present in Rebellion 3500 men – 60,000 R’s.

Cartenaad Rajah. This is a very gentle well disposed man has lately succeeded his Brother. Some of his nambyars are powerful, want to be independent of him & collect themselves for the Company. The Bombay Government have listened too much to them, had this man the spirit if the Cherical, he wou’d soon settle the Business.

The Eddycherry Nambyar. One of his vassals has always been very troublesome fellow. Tippo kept him in irons at Seringpatam, & only released him in order to plague the English, he is too much at Tellicherry. The Protection of his Nambyars against him, the countenancing the impertinence of such a man as Murdoch Brown, & such insults, are the first foundation of a Revolt, & though the Rajah himself is a very mild & good tempered man, he is surrounded with high tempered chiefs. One of his Ministers, whom I saw with him cover’d the Right Flank of Gen’l Abercrombies Army against Tippoo. 5000 men, 100,000 R’s. We hold Courts in his Country.

Koormenaad Rajah. Older Brother of the Cotiote, a Cunning Villain, ready to do anything to avoid paying his Revenue. He collects the Wyanard, a fine Country from which we have never received anything. Mr. Peile made an agreement with this man to pay for 2 years due 15,000 R’s. for 1797, 20,000 for 98, 30,000 for 1799. 35,000 R’s. In all a lac, for the 5 years lease, but the Commrs interfer’d & nothing more has been heard of it since. We hold Courts in his Country, but they are not attended to. 2500 men, R’s 64,000 per annum.

Coorg Rajah This is a very powerful Prince, quite independent he pays us a Tribute to be under our Protection but we have no controul over him. He is much attached to the English. Considering the very great assistance he gave us against Tippoo we ought not, as a generous Nation, to have accepted a paltry sum, from a faithful ally. He is very rich, & has money in the Bombay Treasury: his number of troops is not known but is considerable. He pays per annum R’s. 24,000.

The Malabar Rajah’s in 1797.

Fighting men

Rps

Cherical Rajah

6,500

120,000

Cotiote

3,500

60,000

Catenaad Rajah

5,000

100,000

Koormenaad

2,500

64,000

Tillicherry & Randaterra Company

52,000

Irenaad Nambyars as always
dissatisfied & ready to revolt

2,000

22,000

Narrangole a fortified estate
in Irvanad

8,000

Pyernullah Nayrs

32,000

Wild people to the Comp’y
Polwye to the Comp’y

20,000

Kalye & Mahe taken from the Fr
about 10,000 R’s

Customs about

30,000

Bibbee of Cannanore

15,000

French Rps

10,000

19,500

Rs 547000

[3]

It can be seen from the above account that the Pazhassi Raja was not the only Raja who was giving concern to the East India Company at this time. He was also not the most powerful of the Rajahs controlling only about 3,500 armed men.

The role of the new courts and the attempts by the Commissioners of the East India Company to remove the administration of justice away from the local Rajahs can also be seen as the cause of a growing concern amongst the Rajahs who had previously been the arbiters of justice in their communities.

Ewer wrote...

We do not sufficiently consider the situation of the Rajahs, nor are they treated by us with proper respect. By suffering them to be insulted by clerks & schoolboys, we alienate their affections from us, & the Rajahs, who is not the immediate object of their insolence, feels for his neighbour, depends upon his Time coming soon.

A Prince less haughty than Tippoo, would avail himself of our ignorance & want of policy, & court their alliance: by which means, he wou'd make them his frontier against us, instead of their being ours against him. We know that he furnishes the Cotiote Rajah with ammunition.

Were the four Rajahs of Cherical, Cotiote, Caaomenaad - Kourmenaad to unite, the whole of our Indian Force could not conquer them.

By scarificing some Thousand lives, we might march through the Country & destroy Villages, Houses, but we can never can subdue it, it is covered with a Jungle almost inpenetrable, & the Roads are scarcely passable in wet weather. Two Bullocks cannot go abreast, by which means different parts of the Army, are at great distance from each other, entangled in the wood, which although so thick as to impede the Passage, is not high enough to afford shade to the sun, a fatal enemy. During 6 or 7 months of the year all Military Operations must cease, as the rains will not admit them.

The wisest & most humane Method wou'd be to give up the Country to the Rajah on certain conditions, & allow them to govern as they think proper, by which means we shou'd acquire their esteem & affection; We have already tried how Unavailing Force is, & seen what little impression has been made on the Cotiote Rajah by an Army which wou'd have frightened Tippoo. Its efforts have been confined to burning two or three good Houses, & the Villages of Peasants. But while we are distressing our Enemy, we are ruining ourselves, by the great expense we are at."

Many on the British side of the conflict had significant doubts about its legitimacy as well as the sense in going to war with the Rajah. But like so many wars this one soon spiralled out of control.

[1] British Library, OIOC IOR H/438. Folio 167. Papers Walter Ewer 1796 – 1799
[2] The title given to the man we now know as the Pazhassi Raja.
[3] British Library, OIOC IOR H/438. Folio 170. Papers Walter Ewer 1796 – 1799

Was the Pazhassi Raja Set Up? Part 1.

2009-10-18T08:58:00.072Z

Sepoys in the Uniforms Worn By Madras Presidency Troops During the Pazhassi Raj Insurgency. [1]

With the defeat of Tipu's army in 1792, the local Rajah's had expected that the British would return to their settlement at Tellicherry, and to resume trading as they had previously done following the wars that had occurred over the previous century.

What they had not appreciated, was that the East India Company was no longer just a trading company, as it had formerly been.

Since changes carried out under Lord North's administration, the East India company had become effectively an extension of the British Government; in effect a state controlled company.

It had changed from a company whose main activity was trading, into one that acted more like a government organisation that increasing paid for itself by revenue or tax gathering, rather than from profits made it had formerly made from trade alone.

It's new directors included men increasingly drawn not from senior returned East India Company officials, but from senior members of the political elite and the ruling classes in Great Britain who were less familiar with India and trade than their predecessors. Their expertise was in with taxing populations and ruling either their own landed estates back in Britain, which were populated by largely compliant tenant farmers, or on behalf of an established and widely accepted government.

The companies new directors also wished to apply the lessons and company procedures that had from their point of view been successfully developed in Bengal between 1760 and 1800 to exploit the taxation of farming and other revenues, and to apply them to the newly acquired territories in Malabar.

The following Political Letter written by Mr. Duncan, describes events in 1792, and the Pyche or Pazhassi Rajah's growing role within the region.

“"That during the war, the People of the [Pyche] Raja seized on the Wynaad as part of their ancient Territory and were at the Peace in possession” and the lasted quoted address to Bombay of June 1792 continues to state “That on the 6th of May 1792 a message arrived from Tellicherry from the Raja of Cotiote, stating that an officer from Tippoo had sent to the person in charge of Wynaad to deliver it up as the right of Tippoo and that similar letters had been sent by the same person to the Raja making the same demand.” Mr. Farmer not having then left Tellicherry, the Chief and Factor requested his ideas and directions on the subject, when he advised that the Raja should instantly send word, that the country being yielded to the English, he the Raja, could give no answer till he had informed the Chief of Tellicherry, but that, as Wynaad was certainly not including in the Grants of Tippoo, it could not consistently be retained, and that therefore the Raja must order the People to withdraw to the Boundaries of Wynaad, there taking a stand, and advising the Chief; if Tippoo’s people presumed to encroach beyond that boundary which the Bombay Commissioners then believed we had no claim to the Eastwards of, in so much that on the 9th of August they wrote to Tippoo’s Subahdar Hurry Purwae apprizing him “that as at the time mentioned by the Treaty we do not find Wynaad to have been under Calicut, we do not mean therefore to detain what was granted to the Company;" [2]

The situation was not made any easier for the local East India Company administrators, by the power struggle that was going on inside the local Rajah's family. There were several local ruling families each controlling small semi-independent and competing areas or Taluks.

The Pazhassi Raja was not the paramount ruler in any of these areas, but was a subsidiary and junior aspirant to one of these territories. The senior Rajah was his uncle, and as events were to show, the younger man was impatient for power, and was seen by more senior members of his family as a threat to their positions.

Over the coming years the Pazhassi Raja was to prove himself to be the most effective war leader amongst the local ruling families.

When the war with Tipu Sultan broke out in October 1789, the other more senior Rajah's had either fled into the Tellicherry settlement or travelled down to Travancore.

They had abandoned their subject peoples to their fate. This had lost cost them much of their former moral authority.

The Pazhassi Rajah had acted with more courage and had taken to the jungles on the slopes of Ghats with the younger men, and allied to the East India Company he had waged a war of ambush and raids on the Mysore troops and supply chain travelling along the Gun Roads Tipu had built to subjugate the Wayanad and Malabar.

A Nair photographed shortly before 1909. The Nairs were the main source of warriors in the early years of the uprising. These fierce warriors were in many ways similar to Gurkhas in the way they fought, having their own characteristic curved bladed knives.[3]

These senior Rajah's and especially his uncle were to play a double game over the coming years, as they sort to restrict the Pazhassi Rajah's influence and power which was beginning to challenge their own positions.

Duncan recognised the existence of this growing power when writing on 2nd March 1797 about events in Malabar. In this letter Duncan describes the man we now know as the Pazhassi Rajah,as the Cottiote Rajah.

“the late untoward Events in one of the Northern Districts in the Malabar Province which it grieves me sorely, to have to relate, howsoever much they may appear to have primarily and in a great degree unavoidably flown, from the Rivalry and Dissentions between two Cousin Germane called the Raja’s of Coorimnad and Cottiote, the former progress and fortunate issue of which stand already narrated in the Revenue letter from this Presidency of the 18th of December last, as does their unexpected Renewal in my late address to the Secret Committee of the 12th of January of which a Duplicate is herewith sent—“

“2 You will Gentlemen already know from the first report of the Commissioners that all the Malabar Rajas feel and have indeed all along felt rather uneasy under the degree of Restraint and Submission that we have since the Peace with Tippoo Sultaun endeavoured to subject them to, among these none has been so turbulently impatient all along as the Raja of Cottiote, otherwise called for distinctions sake, and as being indeed his more proper designation the Pyche Raja, one of the members of the family of the Raja’s of that District who having during the late War with Tippoo remained in the Jungles when his other & Senior Relations fled for refuge to Travancore acquired thereby such a footing in the affections of the people, that even after his services returned at the Peace he maintained his influence, so as to have been considered by the first Joint Commissioners from Bengal and Bombay & Treated as the effective or at least the acting Raja, at the same time that, on his behalf & with his consent they settled most or all of what related to his District with the Raja of Coorimnad the son of his Mothers sister (all heirship amongst these Chieftains going in the female line) and who whom as his senior, he professed at all times the greatest deference so as to consider himself to be only the manager under his orders; but yet his conduct was on the whole so turbulent & refractory that in the year 1794 Mr. Stevens then the Supravisor concluded the five years settlement of the Coltiote District not with him but directly with the Coorimnad Raja his relation as being at the head of the house of Cottiote whereas there are several between him and the Pyche (By misnomer called by us the Cottiote Raja) in order of succession not withstanding which the Pyche Chieftain has ever since the conclusion of this quinquenial lease proved extremely restless and jealous that it became soon after my entering on my present charge a serious and pressing consideration how to proceed in regard to him, in as much as he forcibly prevented the Coorimnad’s making the Collections under the quinquennial lease, to such a degree that the latter declared he could not pretend to go on with them without a force of 5 or 600 men of our Troops, in view to all which and also to enable us in pursuance of a Recommendation to that effect, from the Bengal Government to bring him (the Pyche) to account for his conduct in having put some Mapillas of his own Authority to Death, the commanding officer on the coast (General Bowles) was not only instructed to afford the Coorimand Raja the necessary support – but it was left to the last mentioned commanding officer and to the acting Supravisor Mr Handley (comprising the Civil and Military Superior Authority on the spot) to consider whether it might not be advisable in view to saving effusion of Blood if the Pyche Raja’s person be secured so as to prevent his protracting an insurgency by betaking himself an insurgent to the Jungle. [4]

To add to the Pyche Rajah's difficulties, was that fact that he was not just opposed by the equivocal and often hostile attitudes of his older relatives, but also by the private money making activities and interests of messr's Wilkinson, Handley, Stevens, Rivett, Torin and Brown, the local officials of the East India Company based in Tellicherry, that were diametrically opposed to his.

The land the Pazhassi Rajah controlled around his village was one of the best possible areas for the production of pepper. Most of the routes to the other pepper producing areas crossed his domain. They had to get rid of the Rajah if they were to capture his profits for their own personal gain.

The salaries paid to all East India Company officials except the most senior ones, were barely sufficient to cover their expenses.

Custom and practice throughout the 17th and 18th centuries had allowed EIC officials to engage in private trade (known as the Country Trade)in order to make up the difference, as long as it did not involve voyages back to Britain. By the late 18th Century many civilian officials were making fortunes. If they survived to retire as Nabobs, they were able to remit large sums of money back to Britain. Such was the size of some of these sums returned to Britain, that the returning East India Company officials were believed to have bought as many as 84 seats in Parliament that first brought Pitt the Younger to power.

Pitt was the grandson of a former East India Company Official from Madras.

This growing "Indian" influence was too much for the established authorities back in Britain, who were in danger of losing their political power and patronage to the "Indian" lobby.

They sort to prevent such high profits being made, or at least to control who had access to them, by appointing politically acceptable officials directly to the most senior posts, thereby cutting away routes to these posts for most career East India Company officials.

By 1797 it was becoming much harder for men like Wilkinson, Handley, Rivett, Torin and Brown to make money in places like Bombay. A World War was being fought against France, trade was depressed.

Pepper Growing on Vines in the Wayanad. The ultimate cause of all the conflict.

Torin, Wilkinson and Rivett lobbied to move to Tellicherry where they hoped to engross the pepper trade for their own personal gain. They had had their attention drawn to the area by Murdoch Brown and by the profits they had been making by selling English guns to Tipu Sultan via the French port of Mahé. [5]

The Board of East India Company also desperately needed to try to recoup the cost of the war with Tipu Sultan, if it were not to reduce dividends further. It therefore decided that it had to tax the newly conquered territory in Northern Malabar.

For this it was necessary to take over the lands, or more importantly a significant share of the revenues that had formerly been paid to the local Rajahs, by the farmers and villagers occupying these districts.

Before Tipu's invasion of the Malabar, the East India Companies territory at Tellicherry had only extended about four or five miles inland, and along a narrow strip of land stretching from the outskirts of Cannanore to the southern edge of Mahé.

After previous local wars, although the British had often fought as allies with local Rajah's against other Rajah's and or against the French and the Dutch, they had not taken over significant stretches of the territory that they had been able to secure with their local allies during the course of these wars.

The local Rajah's appear to have expected that once Tipu was beaten back out of their lands, they could resume their former rule as before, and without any loss of revenues.

This time however it was different. The East India Company had expended massive sums of money, all of which had to go onto the overhead, and which would wipe out dividends for years to come. Having fought the war ostensibly on behalf of the local rulers, they believed that the local rulers and their communities ought to be made to pay back the cost of the war.

The EIC sort to ascertain the likely revenues that Malabar could provide in order to repay the cost of both the provinces administration, as well as of the war, by setting up a Commission.

Walter Ewer described the commission in the following terms.

This country is under the Government of a Commission, who execute the Office of Supervisor.(Messrs Wilkinson, Rickards and Col. Dow)

Without a comment on the abilities of these gentlemen, I shall give a short account of their proceedings. I must however mention, that the Chief is Mr. Rickard’s. A gentleman of only 7 years standing in the service, whose greatest merit seems to be, that he has found out the weak side in Mr. Duncan whose Confidence in him appears to be unbounded.

In my opinion the Commission itself is a Disgrace to a Civilised Government, it is a Commission of Enquiry, parading the Country, petitioning for, and encouraging accusations; a country whose natives are ignorant or regardless of an oath; what must be the astonishment of the Impartial Traveller, when he finds that a Junior is employed to invite Charges against his Superior, & that the Judge expects to succeed to the Station of the Criminal, on his Conviction! I shall take no notice of the loss the Company has sustained, of the services of some very able young men, as an investigation is likely to take place.

But this, and; the loss of Revenue both of which are the Consequences of the Conduct of the Commissioners, are Trifles in Comparison with the Miseries of War. How far they are concerned in these calamities the following Extracts from the Diary will shew.[6]

Whilst it must be recognised that Walter Ewer was a stern critic of the administration of Governor Duncan, and that it is possible to find other accounts of the Commission that speak just as highly of its activities, I believe that subsequent events will show that Ewer correct was correct in his assessment.

This situation was made worse by the corruption being undertaken by several of the commissioners, including Messrs. Stevens and Handley.

"Towards the middle of December 1795 Mr. Stevens, Senior, resigned the Supravisorship and was succeeded by Mr. Handley, and at the same time charges of corruption and bibery were brought before the Governor, Mr. Ducan, by the Zamorin against Messrs. Stevens, Senior, J. Agnew, and Dewan Ayan Aya, a Palghat Brahman for extorting a lakh of Rupees."[7]

The level of mismanagement and corruption is clear from the following report by Ewer.

"This province will be ruined by the Commission of Supravision if continued; as the salary is good, & the station honourable, everyone who has interest at the Presidency will exert to get down here, without considering whether he is qualified for the Station. Not to mention that the Expense is double that of the Supervisor. Gentlemen who have spent most of their Time at Bombay Contract a Habit of Contempt for the Natives, as they converse with none there, except Persee, or Hindoo Merchant’s & when they come down here, they don’t know how to make a Difference, between the Sneaking Persee, who money is his God, & who would sell his soul; & suffer every indignity for Profit, & the Independent nair, who never quits his arms, who seeks no Happiness beyond the Chace, his Liquor & his Woman. The Commissioners began their career of Tyranny, by seizing the Zamorin, whose ancestor’s were the most Powerful Princes on this Coast, a poor helpless old man; & they escaped the Punishment such an act deserved, through the astonishment of his attendants at the audacity of it. Encouraged by impunity they attempted to treat the Cotiote Rajah in the same manner, they attacked and plunder’d his palace, but could not seize his person; about 60,000 Rp’s were carried off by the Troops, besides Jewels & other things. Only 18,000 Rp’s have been restored. This has been followed by an engagement, if it may be so called in which we lost more men, than Lord Cornwallis at the Battle of Seringapatam. And our losses would have been still more considerable, had it not been for the generous forebearance of the Enemy who suffer’d several different Parties to retire un-molested. Besides the sacrifice of lives, the Revenue of the disputed District for 20 years to come, will not pay the Expenses of the War. The correspondence of the late Commissioners will shew how unfit they were for their stations. Nor does the President, now returned to the Board, to take his seat as a member of Council at Bombay, (Mr. Rivett) Shew more sense than his predecessors: While the Governor is endeavouring to settle the Dispute by Negotiations, while Mr. Peile the Superintendant, whom I have accompanied on the Expedition to the Cherical Rajah (who as a friend of both Parties, is trying to persuade the rebel Cotiote to visit the Govn General) is waiting the return of a messenger from Cotiote, we receive from Governm’t publick minute of the Commissioner complimenting the Gentlemen of the Service for their activity, & calling the Rajah a despicable or contemptible Chieftain. Such language is not much calculated to forward a negotiation with a man who at this moment is hesitating whether he shall trust himself in our hands."[8]

That this contempt for the local rulers and corruption was not the settled policy of the East India Company Directors or Governor Duncan is clear. The most experienced and one of the longest serving officials on the Malabar Coast, Mr. Peile the Northern Superintendant on the coast was working hard to reach agreement with the Pazhassi Rajah, and on several occasions they were thwarted by the active opposition of the corrupting influence of Messrs, Torin, Wilkinson, Brown, Handley and Stevens, often aided and abetted by the Rajah's uncle.

This is clearly demonstrated in the following letter.

Dear Sir
near Barrygurry Malabar April 24 1796

I have much to say to you about the affairs of this Province, but I have not time at present, as I am on a Journey, the Albion for England is expected in a day or so at Tellicherry, trusting you will keep my information secret, I give you my opinion without scruple, & have as little Hesitation in mentioning Names for the same Reason. I am now with Mr Peile the Northern Superintendant, in the Territory of the Cartenand Rajah, one of the most powerful on the Coast & am going with him in the course of the Day to his House 15 to 16 Miles off. The fatal error in all the Proceedings here, is that the Rajah’s have never been treated as gentlemen by the Com’rs enquire of Sir Robert Abercrombie, who is adored in this Country, how he behaved to them. I am afraid there is some underhand Work in this Business, & that we are in a Scrape; There is something very mysterious in Colonel Dow’s Transactions, he & the other Commissioners have quarrelled; in Short, there is nothing but confusion in the Civil Service.
I was in Hopes when I left Tillicherry, that something might be done by negotiation, & that I should have accompanied Mr. Peile the North’n Superint’t to a conference with the Cotiote Rajah. Mr. P is the only man in the Service, who dare trust himself with him, having always treated him with Civility & Respect. But, I have just heard from Tillich’y that it is determined that Sword shall decide the Contest. We must make Haste, for we have not above a fortnight, before the season closes. I shall only observe to you, we have so few officers, that the loss of a Dozen would be equal to a Defeat & any Accident to Gen’l Stewart would ruin the Army.
Orders have been sent to the Cherical Raja to furnish Troops, which he will do, with this observation, that there is hardly a man among them who has not Relations in the Cotiote Country, like orders have been sent to the Cootaly Nair, Who’s Sister is the principle Wife of the Cotiote Rajah. Time will show how much such Allies can be depended upon. You must pay but little attention to the accounts you get out of the Revenues of this Country, they may be of Consequence in Time, but, independent of the present Disturbances, such Tricks have been play’d with the Coin, as will bring heavy loss on the Company, which must now come out, besides this, little Dependence can be placed on arrears due above a year & a half, though they stand on Paper as Cash. The Spot where I now am, is all a garden, & produces everything, besides the advantage of being on the Sea Shore. Yet, though the Rajah & Superintendent, exert them selves to the utmost, the People are above a year in arrears. They are however telling them, that money we must have, or we cannot appear before the Governor, you must excuse my writing as, I am in the Midst of the noise of gunning.
I am Sir
Your most ob’t Servant
W Ewer
Rt. Hon’r Henry Dundas.
[9]

A few days later Ewer wrote yet another letter setting out the case very clearly.

Dear Sir, Tellicherry 25 Apr 1797.
Since I wrote the inclosed an Express arrived from the Governor to order Mr. P’s immediate Return to Tellicherry, to set out on some business to the North, in which I shall accompany him. The Result you will hear in Course. Allow me Sirs, to recommend this Gentleman to your notice, as whether successful or not, in the negotiation he has undertaken, he deserves attention for his Readiness in attempting it. Altho’ he is in a very good Situation at present, the want of Favor & Connections subject him to many Mortifications from his Juniors in the line & Service; & this fatal Commission, which if continued, will ruin the Country altho’ it has not driven him from the Province, as it has some other Valuable men, has often been a Clog to him, & frustrated his best endeavours, by interfering in his Duty, & thereby Lepering his Consequence in the Opinion of the Natives.
Mr. P. Is one of the oldest Revenue Servants on this side of India, but has been constantly superceded by people from every Department some of them his Juniors in the Service, He came out to India at the age of 30, & of course had more knowledge & experience of the World in General, than most Gentlemen who have been in the service that number of years, living retired, & not belonging to any set, he has formed no connections, & has nothing to depend upon, but his attention to his Duty. At the whim of the Commissioners, this Gentleman has been driven about the Province in all seasons, well or ill, & if he made any complaints it was resented by them, as a presumptuous Remonstrance, But now, in Time of Danger & Difficultly, he is the only Person we can look up to, the only man with whom the Refractory Rajah will treat, the only one who dares to go to him. Where are the haughty Commissioners?
Mr. Wilkinson, after residing a year & a half in the Province, a Time however long enough to set it up in flames, runs away to England. Then comes Mr. Rivett his partner in Trade, a merchant, Said to be a man of some abilities; but his stay here has not been sufficiently long for the Display of them. & Now Mr Torin, junior Partner in the same House succeeds to the Commission. So we see the merchant House of Rivett, Wilkinson & Torin of Bombay Governors of Malabar, every one of them totally ignorant of the Character & Persons of the Malabar Rajah’s & What is worse of the Respect due to men descended from a long Race of Princes. As to Col. Dow, I shall say nothing, his acts speak for him. I must however mention to you that all which happen’d to the Army, was foretold to me; some Time previous to the Accident, by a Gentleman at Bombay, while shewing me the maps. Mr. Spencer, Just appointed Senior Comm’r is a good natured indolent man thought by the Court unfit for Council, & now appointed to a station of tenfold consequence.
My private opinion is that these gentlemen who cannot be expected to know anything of the affairs of the Province (Mr. Torin having been commercial he resident only a few weeks, & Mr. Spencer but just arrv’d) are appointed solely that Mr. Rickards may have the whole management, he, in fact is the Supravisor, how far he is qualified, his Conduct will demonstrate. Some of the Comm’rs were so ignorant, that one asked if Paulghaut, a principle Fortress on Tippoo’s Frontier, was on the West Coast of Sumartra, & I myself saw a letter signed by two of them yesterday, about an attack & some houses burnt on the Island of Rhandaterra, a District about 7 miles from the seat of Government, with a River on one side. I beg your Pardon for troubling you with this long letter, but I think it right you shou’d be acquainted with the characters of the People employ’d in the Publick Service. I shall stay here till the Business is settled, or the Rains begin.
I am Dear Sir,
Your most obedient Servant.
W Ewer
2 Enclosures. [10]

The following paragraphs from the previous two letters are particularly significant..

"you must excuse my writing as, I am in the Midst of the noise of gunning."

"I myself saw a letter signed by two of them yesterday, about an attack & some houses burnt on the Island of Rhandaterra, a District about 7 miles from the seat of Government, with a River on one side."

As these show the start of the counter attack by the Rajah. It is highly significant that this attack falls on Rhandaterra, or Randattara as it is more normally spelt.

Randattara was the site of the new pepper plantation being started at Anjarakandi by Murdoch Brown.

This plantation was intended to grow pepper directly for the trade on lands mortgaged by the EIC and then when the payments could not be maintain, it was forfeited to the EIC who foreclosed on the local rulers a couple of decades before.

The Rajah knew full well that if this plantation succeeded, he would lose his pepper trade and therefore income. It had to be attacked.

In the next installment of this article I will explore the Rajah's response to these events, and set out the texts of some of the letters that passed between the Rajah, Governor Duncan, and how a faction of the local East India Company set about destroying any attempt at reconciliation with the Rajah for their own personal gain, and in clear contravention of the official East India Company policy.

[1] Plate C by Gerry Embleton, from Armies of the East India Company 1750 - 1850, Men-at-Arms Series 453, published by Osprey Publishing. See http://www.ospreypublishing.com/store/Armies-of-the-East-India-Company-1750%E2%80%931850_9781846034602
[2] British Library, OIOC IOR F/4/32/894. From Extract Political Letter from Bombay.
[3] From http://www.payer.de/quellenkunde/quellen1606.htm
[3] British Library, OIOC IOR F/4/32/894. From Extract Political Letter from Bombay.
[4] http://malabardays.blogspot.com/2007/12/murdoch-brown-1750-1828-early-days.html
[5] British Library, OIOC IOR H/438. Papers Walter Ewer 1796 – 1799. Folio89.
[6] Malabar Manual By William Logan, Vol. 1, Page 511.
[7] British Library, OIOC IOR H/438 Folios 111. Papers of Walter Ewer 1796 – 1799.
[8] British Library, OIOC IOR H/438 Folios 6-7 Papers of Walter Ewer 1796 – 1799.
[9] British Library, OIOC IOR H/438. Papers Walter Ewer 1796 – 1799.

The Temples inside the Fort at Nellialam

2009-10-18T07:16:00.034Z

Photo 1. Temple Inside The Fort at Nellialam. Photo courtesy of Afasja Jajy

Back in March of this year, when attempting to trace the route taken by Thomas Hervey Baber up the Ghats in 1823, I came across a reference to his having been on top of the Ghats during 1806 in the aftermath of the Pazhassi Raja struggle, while he was trying to pacify the region, and to capture any remaining supports of the Pazhassi Raja. [1]

"I left Ottakail Karumba at 10 A.M. on the 11th, and arrived at Koodaloor about 1 P.M. about half-a-mile from the karumba, I reached the road I constructed in 1806, from Nelliala in Parakámeatil, to Nambolacota, and continued along it until with three miles of Koodaloor, where is yet to be traced the course of the high road formerly constructed by Tippoo, by the Carâcole Pass to South Malabar;"

This led to my trying to identify the route of this road, and a fort that the East India Company had occupied at Nelliala.

The long abandoned fort appeared to be located on top of a bald hill at Nellialam.

Photo 2. The Bald Hill at Nellialam. Please click onto the image for a larger image.

A friend of mine, Manmadhan Ullattil found some passages in old books describing the fort. The problem was that nether Manmadhan or myself were able to visit the site. Manmadhan however suggested that I contact Afasja Jajy, who was known to come from the area, and who was a keen local historian.

So acting on Manmadhan's suggestion I emailed Afasja, who turned out like so many Kerala people to be working in Saudi Arabia. Despite his not knowing me in the slightest, and having only limited leave, Afasja was kind enough to spend time during his precious holiday this August visiting the site of what I believe might have been the fort at Nellialam, where he took the the pictures of the two small temples that remain on the slopes of the hill.

It is not entirely clear to me if these photos show just one of the two temples, or both temples. It appears however from the amount of trees in the background of photo number 1, that it is the northern of the two temples ringed in red on photo 2.

Photo 3. The Interior of One of the Temples. Photo courtesy of Afasja Jajy

Afasja wrote....

"Last week I visited the fort location, which is in "Kottakunnu" (meaning "fort hill" in Malayalam) at Nelliyalam ( a very small village 6 kms from Pandalur). The temple portion of the fort was only left and the design is very similar to the architecture of buildings/palaces in Mysore and an effigy of Devi , Shiva linga and Nandi are there in the temple structure."

The interesting thing about these temples is that they appear ether to have once been much larger, or they were once surrounded by other buildings, which have subsequently been thrown down or have collapsed with age.

Photo 4. Interior of Temple at Nellialam. Photo courtesy of Afasja Jajy

Photo 5. Second Temple at Nellialam. Photo courtesy of Afasja Jajy

This last photo shows a brick lined shaft, or pit in the foreground besides the temple. Is this a Tank for ritual bathing? It seems very small?

Or perhaps it is part of another building that has since been abandoned, like a cistern.

Brick buildings seen quite rare in this area until very recently. Most earlier buildings were ether local stone or even more commonly they were built in wood.

Does the use of brick suggest that these buildings were built quite recently, and probably since 1820?

In my native England it is quite possible to use the architectural style of a building like a church to apply a date to its likely period during which it was constructed.

Is there somebody I could talk to who could work out from these buildings roughly when they were built?

To me they appear quite small for use as temples. I obviously have very limited knowledge about temples. Is it a temple, or perhaps just a shrine for travellers?

I would love to hear from somebody who can explain these temples possible functions in more detail.

Afasja thinks that there may have been a second fort nearby at Pandalur.

"Regarding fort you mentioned in the Malabar blog, I think the fort [the] EIC built may be somewhere near to this location and I am in search to find some clue on this.., in Pandalur there was a ruins of a fort which was completely destroyed(now there is no sign in that location)and the area is encroached by locals and converted to tea plantation but in my childhood I saw this area and that time there was some walls of the fort."

Afasja has produced an excellent website on Nelliyalam local history.

http://www.pandalur.com/Nelliyalam.html

It has a very good article on Gold mining in the area, which was witnessed by Thomas Baber in his account of his journey in 1823, and the area experienced a mini gold rush in the later 19th century when many Australian's came into the area to try to make their fortune.

http://www.pandalur.com/Goldmining.html

The story of the Plantations is also told...

http://www.pandalur.com/history.html

The fort was probably the site of the home of Queen Bohramma, the last the Nelliyalam Rani. This Rani and her earlier ancestors had ruled this remote mountain top region for the previous couple of centuries before Tipu over ran the area.

Her story is told here...

http://www.pandalur.com/Nelliyalam.html

It would be fascinating to climb to the top of this hill and to field walk it in a deliberate way. I would love to look more closely at the horseshoe shaped feature on its summit. Given the hills dominant position, how far out towards the Wayanad could the soldiers have seen?

It is known that the East India Company Army was using semaphore and possibly mirrors to flash signals. Was this one of those sites?

I still trying to discover the meaning behind the place name Chatur Kottai Dinnai, I would love to hear from you.

I would like to acknowledge the assistance of Afasja Jajy without whom this blog could not have been written and also Manmadhan Ullattil who encouraged me to seek him out in the first place.

[1] See http://malabardays.blogspot.com/2009/02/journal-of-route-to-neelghurries-from_7045.html

Pazhassi Raja Film Opens

2009-10-17T10:31:00.026Z

Mammootty plays the Pazhassi Raja in a film that premièred on the 17th October 2009.

Excitement has been building for some months amongst my many Kerala friends and correspondents about a new film being made by Hariharan, a renowned Malayali film director, to a script by M T Vasudevan Nair about the Pazhassi Rajah and his struggle against the British.

At long last the film has been released and their suspense is ended.

For a fun clip turn up the volume and click on to the following...

http://www.pazhassirajathemovie.com/

Early reports of the film are favourable for instance....

http://movies.rediff.com/report/2009/oct/16/south-malayalam-movie-review-pazhassi-raja.htm

http://www.indiaglitz.com/channels/malayalam/article/50820.html

As an Englishman, my wait before I get to see the film will be a little longer. However it will be interesting to see what the film makers have made of the Rajah's story.

This story for me however is not just any old colourful story from long ago in a far away land, but also part of my heritage, and a family legend. And one that involved my forebears to just as great an extent as it does so many modern Indian's whose descendants are alive today in the Wayanad or Thalassery.

The story of the Pazhassi Rajah has been told many times, and no doubt will continue to be told many times again as it passes through the generations for aeon's to come.

In many ways, this story has parallels with the story of Robin Hood and the Sheriff of Nottingham. Only in this case, the Sheriff prevailed and the Raja was killed.

Because in many ways Thomas Baber was the villain or Sheriff who killed the hero.

He got "Robin Hood."

My interest in these events started about a decade ago when I first read the tale of Thomas Baber tracking down and killing of the Rajah on the 30th of November 1805.

Thomas Baber was my great great great great uncle.

Through the good services of the internet, and to my great surprise I was contacted a few years ago by local Indian's whose ancestors had also been caught up in those events, and who had been actively researching the Raja's life and times. This led to my being invited to India where visiting many of the locations where these events took place.

The story of this search is contained in the early posts on this blog.

I also had the unexpected and somewhat strange experience of meeting two young descendants of the Raja who were very kind to me, and who fortunately did not seem to hold any grudges.

There appears to be a great thirst for information about these events, and for history in general amongst many people who are living in or who originate from Kerala. There is however also great difficultly for most of these people who would like to be able to get at real historical information about these events, because so little is available in books or film.

Many have been extremely surprised at just how much I have been able to discover and which is available in the British Library here in London. These records have survived because the East India Company had shareholders and auditors, was a commercial concern, and just like any modern multinational, its management had to send in reports to head office every month or so.

This enables a modern researcher to unearth really detailed accounts of the events surrounding the Pazhassi Rajah.

My great concern about this new film, is that although it's publicity makes much of it's accuracy, I am concerned that it has in-fact been written in large part with an eye to increasing its audience.

I hope that Vasudevan Nair has been as accurate in his script as the publicity would have us believe.

I have my concerns, for instance as IndiaGlitz wrote on the 15th of October..

"The historical which also present a true love story of ‘Pazhassi Raja’ with Kaitheri Makkam will give further lights to the first ever Indian freedom fight against the British," [1]

[2]

The Raja's Queen played by Kaniha Subamaniam

Early reports before the film was released suggested that the film depicts the Rani leading her own fierce band of Amazon archers into battle.

Padmapriya plays Neeli, Thalakkal Chandu's fiancée and the leader of women Kurichya soldiers.

Events surrounding the Raja's rebellion are extremely well documented, and anything as unusual in the eyes of the soldiers or officials fighting the Raja as a band of female warriors, would surely have appeared somewhere in the records. In ten years of extensive research, I have not come across a single suggestion of any women taking an active part in these fights.

It would be fascinating to be proved wrong. Where did Vasudevan Nair find this documented?

The Rani was certainly present at the Raja's final camp. Thomas Baber makes this clear in his report.

"And from the accounts of the Raja’s lady, they had been reduced to the greatest distresses in particular for the last ten days. The Raja’s body was taken up and put in my palanquin, while the lady who was dreadfully reduced from sickness was put into Captain Clapham’s." [3]

Thomas Baber appears to have exercised considerable care for the Rani in the years following the Raja's death. Local legend in the Wayanad has it that he was having an affair with her, because he visited her so often. This appears unlikely given Thomas Baber's relationship with his wife Helen.

In the film Thomas Hervey Baber is played by a young Australian Harry Key.

Harry Key

Thomas Baber's wife appears in the film, however she is incorrectly called Dora. Her real name was in fact Helen Baber.

Linda Arsenio plays Helen Baber

Helen Baber been a victim of one of the Raja's earliest victories over the British.

This was no doubt a very tough war for her. Her second husbands fight with her former husbands killer must have had an edge all of its own.

What must it of been like to know that her second husband was up in the Wayanad going after the Raja on his home territory?

Her maiden name was Helen Somerville Fearon, and she came from Edinburgh. She had married in 1795 aged just 15 to Captain Donald Cameron, of the Bombay Army at Portsmouth. The East India Company depot on the Isle of Wight was nearby, this many have been a last minute affair prior to Cameron boarding an East Indiamen before setting out on the long journey east.

Helen will have arrived in India in 1796, and must have presumably travelled with the Major to Tellicherry shortly afterwards. On the 17th March 1797 the Major was leading a force down the Periah Pass when he was killed. Aged 17 she was already a widow.[4]

Thomas Baber had married her at Tellicherry the following year.

Helen Baber's tomb at Thalaserry

Thomas Baber was profoundly affected by these events. He seems to have recognised the Raja's role and stature.

The Raja had played an outstanding role in trying to defeat Tipu Sultan's invasion. When the more senior Rajah's had taken fright in the face of Tipu's onslaught, and had fled to Calicut or Cochin, the younger and more junior Raja had stepped into their place. These older disgraced Raja's had resented the Pazhassi Raja's success in this campaign, and his growing stature as the outstanding local leader. Jealously on the part of his uncle, would lead that same uncle to betray his nephew several times in 1797 to 1805.

Thomas Baber probably thought that by killing the Raja he would bring to an end the insurgency, and that under British rule things would become much better for the local inhabitants, with whom he seems to have established quite a rapport.

It was his rapport with the lower castes of this deeply fractured and divided local community, that gave Thomas Baber the intelligence on the ground that allowed him to defeat the Raja where others including the future Duke of Wellington failed.

To his horror, after a few years had passed, it became obvious to Thomas Baber that many of the British officials were incapable of running the region effectively.

Most could not understand the local languages well enough to be able communicate. They didn't understand the culture either. Many were lazy and others were corrupt. Baber used his position as a Magistrate and later as a Judge over many years to try to correct this mismanagement. He campaigned for year after year against his colleagues and the higher authorities in Madras. I have found nearly three hundred of these letters.

His constant criticism of his colleagues, and his defence of the rights of the local Indian's cost him promotion, and nearly his life as well. He fought a duel against a British officer over slavery, and was challenged to a second one.

He was eventually thrown out of his post in 1829,by a reactionary new governor Stephen Lushington and went back to Britain where he campaigned to Parliament and the House of Lords to stop slavery in Kerala. Later he returned to India, knowing full well that he would never see Britain again. He had come to love India and Indian's more than Britain.

He wanted the East India Company to rule through Indian's, which is why he built a school opposite the Pearl Hotel in Tellicherry that is still in use today.

I believe he felt that the Raja had been the rightful leader of the region, and that the EIC officials in the Malabar had abused their position, in order to frustrate an agreement that Governor Duncan was trying to reach with the Raja.

It was Handley, Stevens, Torin and Murdoch Brown together with the Raja's uncle who manipulated events in order to see the Pazhassi Raja removed from his position, so that they could engross the pepper trade for their private gain.

Thomas Baber appears to me have felt that because he had removed the Raja, the natural projector of the local inhabitants, that he was somehow morally responsible for assuming that mantle. This belief affected the way he undertook his duties for most of the rest of his life.

The real story is probably even more fascinating than the film version, but until I see the film, I will not know.

Here's a clip from the film.. http://video.google.co.uk/videosearch?hl=en&source=hp&q=pazhassi+raja&um=1&ie=UTF-8&ei=Ls7ZSo_DIdbOjAe86fnhCA&sa=X&oi=video_result_group&ct=title&resnum=7&ved=0CDQQqwQwBg#

It would be great to make a sequel with this team telling the subsequent story.

In the coming weeks I will post more transcripts and accounts of the events leading up to November 1805.

I would like to acknowledge the help that I have had from Jissu Jacob and Vivish George in writing this blog.

[1] See http://www.indiaglitz.com/channels/malayalam/article/50820.html
[2] See http://movies.rediff.com/slide-show/2009/sep/29/slide-show-1-south-interview-with-kaniha.htm
[3] See my blog http://malabardays.blogspot.com/2007/08/thomas-babers-account-of-end-of-pyche_12.html
[4] See http://malabardays.blogspot.com/2006/12/death-of-major-cameron.html

Manintoddy Coffee

2009-07-05T09:01:00.048Z

Coffee plants growing near Mananthavadi in 2006.[1]

One of the unexpected pleasures of writing a blog about even the most obscure of subjects is that somewhere out there in cyberspace, there is usually at least one other enthusiast for even this the most remote and unlikely of topics.

Suddenly, you get yet another set of absolutely fascinating leads, and off one goes again, in the hunt of yet another part of the jigsaw.

Thus it was this morning when total expectedly I received the following email from David Atkinson.

"Re your blog in February about:[2]

"An anonymous writer who had travelled to Tellicherry, wrote an article that appeared in 1854 in the "Home Friend, a weekly miscellany of amusement and instruction; By Society for promoting Christian knowledge"

I have identified him as Frederick Arthur Neale, he was born in Madras, 1821, son of Daniel Neale, of the Supreme Court, Madras.

His cousin (probably step-cousin), was Edmund Conry, who was a mariner who also owned a coffee plantation at Alway.

He was also brother-in-law to Anstruther Cheape & Thomas Ebenezer Boileau."[3]

Not only has David managed to establish that Frederick Arthur Neale had written the original article, but he has also managed to establish that Neale had also written several other related articles that had all appeared in The Home Friend between 1853 and 1854.

Frederick Neale travelled extensively during the early 1850's visiting Syria, Egypt, India and Siam, and his articles are great fun to read.

Of greatest interest to me is Neale's article “Adventures in the Wynyard Jungle” which can be read on-line at Google Books. [4]

This book was originally published by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge in their magazine "The Home Friend" as a part work, in which the article was published in 1853 over three issues in Volume III, on pages 235-240, 241-246, and 273-280.

The final paragraph on page 280 mentions Mr. Baber's plantation.

Of late years, Mr. Baber, the son of a late Madras civilian, established himself at Manintoddy for the purpose of introducing the coffee-plant into that district : he purchased a very extensive tract of ground, which was soon disencumbered of trees and planted with coffee. Mr. Baber had built himself a very pretty little villa. The last account we heard was that the coffee succeeded admirably, and doubtless others will soon settle there, which will be quite a boon to the officer commanding the detachment. Manintoddy produces very fine cardamoms ; indigo will also grow, and we believe a species of wild clove flourishes in the jungle, where also we have little doubt but that many other valuable plants and herbs, heretofore as unknown as the gutta percha was a few years since, must abound ; and the botanist who could set wild beasts and the fever at defiance, would, if he survived his researches, add much to the store of learning. The same may be said with regard to the animal kingdom, and birds, butterflies, moths, and insects. We ourselves have caught glimpses of birds and butterflies whilst passing through the jungle, such as we have never met with or read of, or seen in any collection, dead or living.

We know that this Mr. Baber, is was Henry Fearon Baber who had married the Honourable Maria Jane Harris, Granddaughter of Lord Harris of Seringapatam on the 26th of September 1841 at Ootacamund. Henry later became a tea planter at Kursiany near Darjeeling, in North Eastern India, where he died on the 18th May 1861.

This suggests that the Coffee plantation may not have been a long term success.

Henry Baber was not the first person to grow coffee at Mananthavadi. As far as it is possible to tell, that honour belongs to Captain Henry Bevan, who was appointed in April 1825 to command the Wynaud Rangers, a force set up from the recently disbanded Seringapatam local battalion.

Soon after my appointment to Manintoddy, I directed my attention to the introduction of the cultivation of coffee into Wynaud. A few plants were kindly given me by Mr. B. of Angeracandy[5], which throve so well, and proved so productive, that I recommended the measure to Mr. S., the collector [6], who seconded my views, and sent quantities of the seed to be distributed among the native inhabitants gratis. I pointed out the prosperous state of my coffee plants to several of them, and explained the process I used in the cultivation, but although they promised to give the culture every attention, they ultimately neglected it altogether, either through want of enterprise and energy to persevere, or from an idea that a tax would be levied on the article by government hereafter. I extended my plantations considerably while I remained at the station, on ascertaining from impartial and good judges (especially Bishop Turner, who had tasted the coffee), that it possessed the flavour and aroma of the finest Mocha berries.

For the culture of coffee, the climate and soil of Wynaud are undoubtedly favourable. The great moisture of the atmosphere, and the tenacious nature of the ground are sufficient to afford nourishment to the plants without the aid of irrigation, except when in their infancy.

I have no hesitation in recording my opinion, based on experience and observation, that any speculation in extensive coffee plantations undertaken in Wynaud, as also on the western frontier of the Mysore country, would, under proper management, be highly productive and profitable.

It would not require a very great outlay of capital, and no difficulty exists in obtaining grants of land, as the uplands and hills, where 1 found this plant to thrive best, being only used far grazing, are of little or no value; such valleys only as are under cultivation pay rent to the government. Every encouragement, therefore, ought to be afforded to persons who would reclaim and turn to account those uplands which are now little better than barren wastes. The duty realised by government of eight per cent, on the exportation of coffee would tend materially to augment the revenue, as the cultivation of the article becomes more general-[7]

It is probable that Captn. Bevan's garden was near the fort in the centre of the current town.

A Google Earth Image of Mananthavadi marked up with the probably locations in the town linked to the East India Company Period.

Does anybody happen to know where Mr. Baber's Coffee plantation was?

Presumably, as it was one of the first plantations, it must be quite close to the town of Mananthavadi.

If you live in the town, or come from the area, I would love to hear from you. I can be contacted on balmer.nicholas@gmail.com

[1]The modern town of Mananthavadi, was known as Manatoddy between about 1795 and 1825. It then appears in texts as Manintoddy, during a period between 1825 and 1860.
[2]http://malabardays.blogspot.com/2009/02/tellicherry-church-restored.html
[3]Email from David Atkinson, 4th July 2009.
[4]http://books.google.com/books?id=Lm0EAAAAQAAJ&pg=PP7&dq=%22the+home+friend%22+1853+%22vol.III%22
[5]Mr. B. of Angeracandy. Almost certainly Murdoch Brown, who ran a substantial plantation there.
[6]Mr. S., the collector. William Sheffield. January 1826 to February 1831.
[7]Major Henry Bevan, Thirty Years in India, volume II, published 1829, page 242.

Tellicherry and its part in establishing the Silk Industries of Dharwar & Hubli

2009-06-14T17:00:00.005Z

Thomas Baber was aware that the Malabar had become too dependant on the cultivation of pepper as a cash crop at the expense of other crops.

He knew also knew that the farmers could barely feed their families, even with the revenues from growing pepper and that they were unable to pay their taxes.

They badly needed other cash crops.

In 1813 he had seen the local families suffer famine brought about by the buying up of all the available rice. This had happened when the crops had failed in Cutch and the Konkan, leaving the inhabitants in and around Bombay in terrible difficulties.

Konkani merchants had descended on the Malabar Coast in order to buy up any available supplies of rice for sale in the north, and were moving inland up the roads from Calicut and Tellicherry buying up rice before it could enter the market in those towns driving up the prices and causing the townspeople to face severe shortages.

He appears to have decided to experiment with the growing of a number of alternative crops at Pallikunnu, the house he built in 1817 on the northern outskirts of Tellicherry in order to assess their potential, and as a demonstration of what might be possible.

This house built in 1817 stood in about ten acres of grounds, most of which were taken up with a large walled trial garden area on the northern side of the house facing the river.

From the kitchen garden looking into trial plantation area.

We do not know all the different types of plants that he experimented with, but amongst the trees ground at Pallikunnu were some Mulberry trees. Some of these trees survived until the middle of the twentieth century, before having to be cut down due to the arrival of a disease that affects Mulberry trees which had arrived in the town.

An abandoned processing building in the trial plantation area.

It is not clear where or when Thomas Baber first became aware of silk culture or Mulberry trees, but it is quite likely that this was during one of his many trips to Seringapatam, to which he had been travelling on legal business since 1806 connected with the trial of the adherents of the Pazhassi Rajah. Later as an Appeal Court judge he would go there once or twice a year.

Silk has been grown for many centuries in India, however Kerala was not one of the areas where silk was generally grown or produced.

Tipu Sultan had understood the importance of silk to the Indian economy, and it's potential as an export commodity to exchange for European goods.

As early as 1785 Tipu Sultan had sent Buhauddeen and Kustoory Runga from Seringapatam to Bengal to try to procure suitable high quality silk worms. Tipu had previously planted Mulberry trees near his palace in preparation for the arrival of these silk worms.

An area of land had been set aside behind the old palace at Seringapatam in which these trees and the worms could be developed.

Tipu had even sent emissaries as far as China and Muscat in his search for the best silk worms.[1]

I believe that Thomas Baber had become aware of the work that Tipu had done, and that he had managed to acquire Mulberry trees seedlings and silk worms from Seringapatam.

The experimental work at Pallikunnu began in 1815 and continued until 1817, as is described in Thomas Baber's evidence given to the House of Lords in 1830, and which appears below.

It would appear that Thomas had planted these trees before he had completed the construction of his house.

In the latter part of 1824, Thomas Baber was moved away from Tellicherry and into the South Mahratta Country to Dharwar where he became Principle Collector and Political Agent. Here he found himself responsible as part of his duties for the running of a large prison containing several hundred Mahratta prisoners.

These were often men who had spent all their formative life as Pindaris engaged in raiding and who had been opposed to the EIC during the Mahratta Wars.

They had no craft or way of making a living, as they did not possess any other skills besides those associated either with crime or war. They would of necessity return to their former violent means of earning a living if they could not be provided with an alternative.

Thomas appears to have decided to try to occupy them in gaol and to teach them a trade so that they could support themselves when they were eventually released.

At this time in Britain Penal Reform was a relatively new idea, and I have no idea if Thomas Baber took his inspiration from John Howard (1726 - 1790) who had published a book called The State of Prisons in England and Wales, in 1777, the year in which Thomas Baber had been born, or whether he had just reached similar conclusions to Howard from his experience of living directly over the gaol inside Tellicherry fort.

From whatever cause, he soon had approval from his colleagues.

William Chaplin, Tom’s superior recognised and encouraged his efforts. Writing from Poona he said: -

18th July 1825.

You will see from my official letter, that your cloth manufacture is very much approved. I should like much to get a model of one of your looms, if you could supply me, though I am not sure, when I have got it, that we should know how to use it, without sending some people to be instructed.

The origin of the models he had used to build these looms is fascinating. Thomas Hervey Baber's brother Henry Hervey Baber was Keeper of the Printed Books at the British Library, as well as a member of the Royal Society. This gave Henry Baber access to all the books in publication in Britain. He also was responsible for meeting, assessing and getting to know anybody who used the library.

At this period the scientic community was very small, and Henry must have known a great many of them. This must have enabled him to obtain a suitable model that would allow full scale versions to be built inside the gaol.

Thomas had written to his brother to ask that 1/5th scale models be made of the most efficient looms being produced at that time in Britain.

Having spent fortunes on developing silk weaving technologies and factories in Britain over the previous decades, it is highly likely that the British textile manufacturers would have objected very strongly had they realised that these models were intended to be transported taking their advanced technologies out to India.

Thomas Baber appears to have been setting out to redress the balance in favour of India.

Forover two hundred years highly Indian skilled handloom operators had produced silk cloth, which had been greatly prized in Europe.

These handcraft workers living in the Coromandel, Orrissa and Bengal regions had been profitably engaged in the market for centuries.

However after about 1760, they had lost their dominance, first because of the wars in India, and then because of the Industrial Revolution in England, which had seen water and then steam powered looms replace Indian textile workers in the production of silk cloth.

This had caused huge social and economic disruption in India where many thousands of weavers had lost their livelihoods.

It appears that Thomas Baber had realised this, and had decided to take matters into his own hands and to set up new factories in India that would allow the disadvantaged Indian's to regain their former industry.

Thomas later wrote in 1829: -

“I introduced European looms, and manufacture of numerous fabrics, quite new to the people. Vide my evidence before the Committee of the House of Lords. I also introduced Silk-worms, and European reels for winding the silk…..

He also set about using his prison labour force to grow and plant Mulberry trees: -

Large Plantations of which I had commenced upon, and also numerous manufactures, such as paper, canvas, carpeting, blankets etc, etc, all by means of my convicts.

His 1830 account given in evidence to the House of Lords Selct Committee on Indian affairs is set out below.

Are there any Silk Establishments in the Part of the Country with which you are acquainted?

Thomas: Not where I have been in Authority. I introduced one myself while I was at Dharwar, which succeeded remarkably well; it was entirely conducted by the Convicts of my Gaol.

Is the Soil suited to the Growth of the Mulberry?

Yes, the White Mulberry.

How long was it before you left India that you established it?

Two Years; that is, in 1815, 1816 and Part of 1817.

Does it continue to this Time?

I am afraid that my Successor has not taken the Interest in that and other new Manufactures and Cultivation I introduced; such as Indigo and Bourbon Cotton; also in weaving Cotton, Woollen and Hemp by means of English Looms, &c. &c.

Is there any Obstacle arising out of the Regulations of the Government to the Extension of Cultivation?

None whatever; but I do not think sufficient Encouragement is held out to the People.

It requires a considerable Capital to carry it on extensively, does it not?

No, I did not find that the Case with either Silk or Indigo; they appeared to me to be attended with very little Expence.

How long is it before a Mulberry Plantation is sufficiently productive in Leaves to make it repay for the planting?

A Year or Two, it will produce. After the first Year, I have had them gathered in my own Garden, and those Gardens planted by the Convicts; watering regularly every Day during the hot Months, they produce an abundant Supply.

Did you ever endeavour to induce any Persons having Property to undertake the Cultivation of the Mulberry?

I held out all the Encouragement I could, by inviting the People to look at my Plantations and Manufactures; I also sent Specimens of the Silk I had made all over the Country. I had periodical Sales of both Silk and Indigo. Whenever I went on Circuit through my Districts, I took with me Two or Three of the English Looms, to instruct the People in the Use of them. Those with the Flying Shuttle were made by Two Soldiers out of the European Regiment at Belgâm.

What do you conceive to have been the Cause that prevented Individuals embarking in it?

For Want of sufficient Encouragement, and competent Persons to undertake it.

Do you think it would answer to any British Subject possessing Capital to undertake upon a large Scale the Cultivation of the Mulberry?

I think it would be a very advantageous Speculation. My periodical Reports of the Labour of my Convicts, to the Government of Bombay, will shew the Extent to which I carried these new Speculations.

In what Part of the Country was it that you established this?

At Dharwar, in the Southern Mahratta Country.

Is that the Seat of the Local Government?

It is.

If any Individual had proposed to take Land on Lease for the Purpose of trying an Experiment of that kind, would he have obtained a Lease for that Purpose?

Certainly not, if he was an European.

Did any European ever apply for Permission to have Land on Lease for that Purpose?

The Two Soldiers, whom I had employed, and who had been Glasgow Weavers, after having been, I think, a Month, and just as I was sending them back to their Regiment, intreated of me to write to the Commanding Officer to obtain their Discharge, that they might carry on the Silk and Cotton Works. Those were the only Europeans I had an Opportunity of seeing. [2]

In addition to these plantations in his gaol Thomas also established schools founded for youths at Dharwar and Hoobly, where upwards of 150 youths were given an education, to fit them for public employment. Thomas wrote proudly in 1829 that twenty of these young men had already entered public employment.

At the time when Thomas Baber gave his evidence in 1830 he appeared to believe that his efforts had been in vain, however Thomas Baber's efforts seem to have borne fruit because Hubli and Dharwar have become and remain one of the largest textile manufacturing centres in India.

Hubli – Dharwar city in 1991 and a population of 648,000. The cities of Hubli and Dharwar, which were 13 miles apart, have grown to such an extent that they were incorporated as one city in 1961.

Dharwar is the district administrative centre for a rice- and cotton-growing area. Hubli is a trade and transportation centre, with cotton and silk factories, railway workshops, and a major newspaper industry. [3]

Dharwar is now the largest area of production of silk outside China, and Tellicherry played a significant part in starting it all off.

I would be fascinated to learn if either the original gaol survives in Dharwar, or any of the Mulberry plantations survive to this day. If you live in Dharwar, and know anything about these events, please contact me at Balmer.nicholas@gmail.com

[1] Mohammed Moienuddin, Sunset at Srirangapatam, published 2000, page 8.

[2] From: British History Online Source: Affairs of the East India Company: Minutes of evidence: 06 April 1830. House of Lords Journal Volume 62.

[3] The Columbia Encyclopaedia, Fifth Edition 1994, 1995 Columbia University Press.

Tellicherry Church Restored Part 2.

2009-03-29T09:21:00.028Z

Thalaserry Church being restored February 2009, Photo courtesy of Jissu Jacob.

Following my recent blog about the very welcome restoration of Tellicherry Anglican Church, I have received some more very interesting information from George Abraham whose father was a regular worshipper at the church, George wrote..

"In fact I had just returned from a trip to Tellicherry along with my father. Both of us had gone there primarily to see the state of the church which we expected to be in ruins as was visible when my father had visited it few years back. But we were overjoyed to see the current rebuilding process - in fact my father was beaming and was at loss for words.

My father had grown up in Tellicherry and had attended the very same church in his childhood. His father had worked as a deacon (or an elder) during the Sunday's when the chaplain was not available - since in those days the chaplain travelled from afar off (from Manathavadi) only once a month to administer the Holy Sacrament."[1]

Georges father lived in Tellicherry between 1935 and 1947, and was disappointed to find that he could no longer find any of his old friends in Thalaserry. He is keen to make contact with anybody who worshipped in the church during that period, or who knew him at the time.

George Abraham also sent me the following article that appeared in the Hindu dated the 10th of March 2009, which adds to our knowledge of the churches history.

"Inching towards bygone splendour

Special Correspondent

The church, which was built in 1867, had fallen on bad days. Now, a face lift is
being given.

Better days: The St. John’s Anglican Church at Thalassery, which is undergoing renovation.

THALASSERY: Renovation of the 142-year-old St. John’s Anglican Church, overlooking the sea, is nearing completion. The Gothic style brick structure, with stained glass windows and massive doors, will be a functioning church — and a tourist attraction — within a few weeks.

The renovation, estimated at Rs.59 lakh, is being carried out by the Archaeology Department in association with the Tourism Department.

The work has already changed the ambience of the church and its surroundings, including the cemetery. The walls of the church, built in 1867, are being re-plastered and given a coat of whitewash. The vandalised stained glass windows and the wooden door have been restored and the woodwork, including the ceiling, replaced.
Gift from Brennen

The church was built with an endowment from Edward Brennen, the ‘Master Attendant’ at Thalassery during the colonial period. One of the tombs in the cemetery is that of Mr. Brennen.

S. Hemachandran, Superintendent Archaeologist of the Archaeology Department, told The Hindu that the 18th century structure would be open for service to the Church of South India after the works were over. The restored wooden louver window has added to the appeal of the church, which was on the brink of destruction a few years ago, Dr. Hemachandran said."

The full article can be found at http://www.hindu.com/2009/03/10/stories/2009031052220200.htm

Since my last blog, I have been able to establish that the current church paid for by Edward Brennan's bequest was not actually the first church on the site. It is probably built on the site of the 18th century church, but it is not an 18th century church.

The earlier church had severe structural problems and at one point had to be buttressed to prevent it's falling down. It is still not clear when it was built, but Lieutenants Ward and Connor in their survey of Tellicherry undertaken in July 1824 say..

"To the West of the Castle and fronting the sea is a modern Protestant Church and Burying ground adjoining it only divided by a wall is a Roman Catholic Church, the former was built by subscription, and though of very good materials, it was found necessary to prop it up by buttresses a few years after it was finished. There is no officiating clergyman, but invalids and native protestants have divine service performed on Sundays."[2]

William Logan writing in the 1870's that the construction of the new church had been started in 1869 when Lord Napier laid the foundation stone. It would be interesting to search the lower part of the church walls for evidence of this stone which is likely to be visible in the walls.[3]

Many of those who worshipped in the church are recorded on memorial stones set into the walls of the church.

To the Memory of Ralph Tatham, of Pully Coon, Tellicherry for sixteen years lay trustee of the church. Died at sea on 23rd Dec 1900, Aged 48 Years. Photo courtesy of Jissu Jacob.

Sacred to the Memorial of Patrick Harry Gordon, Late of Wynaad, Tellicherry and Madras, who died at Acton, Near London, July 13th 1876, in his 31st year and is buried in Kensal Green Cemetery. This tablet is erected as a tribute of affection by his friends in India and Scotland. Photo courtesy of Jissu Jacob.

Sacred to the Memorial of Eliza Wills, the dearly loved wife of Henry Crewe who died at Tellicherry on the 17th October 1874, aged 30, and whose mortal remains lie at rest in the adjoining churchyard. Photo courtesy of Jissu Jacob.

Sacred to the Memorial of Mary, the eldest daughter of Francis Carnac Brown, of Tellicherry and Anjarandy who died on the 19th July 1867, aged 33 years. Photo courtesy of Jissu Jacob.

This lady was the grand daughter of Murdoch Brown who played such an important role in local events in and around Tellicherry from 1793 onwards.

I will post pictures of many of the graves in Tellicherry Churchyard in the coming weeks together with short histories of the people buried there. If you are descended from any of the individuals, and can hep to tell their story, please get in touch with me.

[1] Private email dated 24th March 2009.
[2] Memoir of the Malabar Survey, by Lieutenants Ward and Connor, originally published in 1906, and more recently in 1995. Page 40.
[3] Malbar Manual by William Logan, Volume II, page cccvii.

Tellicherry in 1825

2009-03-28T11:46:00.045Z

Figure 1. Tellicherry Fort entrance gate. Photo courtesy of Lindsay Gething.

By 1824 and 1825 the area around Tellicherry had been at peace for a decade or more, and many of the institutions installed by the East India Company had settled down. Over the first quarter of the 19th century EIC rule had been extended far inland, so that the officials felt safe enough to leave the confines of Tellicherry itself, and several had built themselves substantial garden houses two to three miles away from the town.

The following description comes from a survey published under the name of two Lieutenants Ward and Conner, although Conner's part in the survey must have been very limited as he died on the 29th April 1821.

Lieutenant Benjamin Swain Ward had been the son of an artist in the Madras Infantry, and was born in June 1786. He was highly experienced when he started the survey on North Malabar in July 1824, as he had previously surveyed Travancore between 1816 and 1820, before going to the Nilgiri Hills where he undertook surveys for three years. Ward was soon ill, being granted twelve months leave in medical grounds in August 1824, so two new officers George Aurther and Horiato Noble undertook the survey in his absence. On the 16th of January 1826 Ward returned with his wife and lived in Tellicherry. Ward went on to survey in Wayanad and Madurai, befor retiring to South Africa where he died in 1835.

Ward had two other assistants Keyes and MacMahon, but little is known about them at present.

"Capitals, Forts, Markets and other considerable places--

Tellicherry one of the most considerable places in this Division amd the oldest settlement on this coast is a place of considerable importance as a maritime town. The citadell or castle stands to the N. of the town, the old Residency in it is converted into a Magistrate's and Sub Collector's offices, the lower part is used as a jail."

Figure 2. The old Residency inside Tellicherry under restoration in December 2006. In 1825 the basement of this building was the jail, with the Magistrates court and sub collectors above.

"On the N.W. Bastion is a flag and signal staff. There are no other buildings within of note. The outer part or European town which occupies a considerable space to the S. E. is now inhabited mostly by Portuguese families. It is a place of little strength but sufficient to keep the Nairs and petty Rajahs in check. The walls are in a state of decay."

Figure 3. One of the side streets leading off the bazar in the old town south east of the fort. Photo courtesy of Lindsay Gething.

"The town lies to the south, the principal street (the Bazar) runs parallel to the coast is wide and a mile in length. A few of the houses are built on the European plan. The smaller streets are narrow and filthy, and will scarcely admit of any kind of conveyance. The whole town including the suburbs, occupy about four square miles. There are some tolerable Mosques in the S. E. portion occupied by the higher classes. Some Pagodas are to be seen but few of much note or celebrity. The town was once surrounded by a strong mud wall. On the right of the road leading to Cannanore and 3/4 of a mile from the Castle is the Court House for the Circuit Judges, as well as several garden houses, two of them pleasantly situated in the island of Durmapatam distant 2 and 3 miles from the castle."

Figure 4. One of the Garden Houses, Ayisha Manzil, This house probably dates a little after 1825, but is associated with the Brown family. Photo courtesy of Lindsay Gething.

"To the West of the Castle and fronting the sea is a modern Protestant Church and Burying ground adjoining it only divided by a wall is a Roman Catholic Church, the former was built by subscription, and though of very good materials, it was found necessary to prop it up by buttresses a few years after it was finished. There is no officiating clergyman, but invalids and native protestants have divine service performed on Sundays.[1]"

Figure 5. One of the fine old trading houses in the bazaar. Photo courtesy of Lindsay Gething.

William Milburn in his book Oriental Commerce, Or, The East India Trader's Complete Guide, gives a fascinating description of the town, in the years leading up to 1825. As a book of the scale of Milburn's would have taken several years to compile, the description might be dated to about 1820.

"TELLICHERRY, the principal English settlement on the Coast of Malabar, is in latitude 11° 44' N., and longitude 75° 32" E., and about ten miles to the S. of Cananore. In fine weather, ships anchor in the roads in five fathoms, the flagstaff bearing N. E. by N. off the town 1 to 2 miles; but when there is a chance of unsettled weather, they should anchor well out in 7 or 8 fathoms. There is a ledge of black rocks facing the fort, where small vessels have been known to lie during the S. W. monsoon.

Tellicherry Fort is of considerable size, with strong walls, though rather ruinous, having convenient houses for the Chief and gentlemen of the factory ; that of the Chief is a large and handsome building. About a mile to the S. is a small fort called Mile End, and at a short distance to the N. of Tellicherry is a blockhouse. There are two towns, one bordering on the sea-coast, the other in the wood: the principal inhabitants of the former are Portuguese ; those of the latter natives. Between the town and the fort is an extensive and open place; on one side is a pleasant garden belonging to the Chief, who has likewise a small one adjoining his house. There is an excellent ride through the wood, much frequented by the European residents."[2]

From this description and from inspection of Google Earth, it is possible to suggest the following layout for the town in about 1825.

Figure 6. A provisional map showing the layout of Tellicherry in 1825, based on the two descriptions above. Please click on the image for a larger version.

Key
1. Tellicherry Fort and Churches.
2. "Portuguese town" & bazaar.
3. "Wood town" largely occupied by Hindu's.
4. The Courts of Justice.
5. The ride through the wood frequented by Europeans.
6. To the garden houses occupied by the Judges.
7. The Moplah town with its mosques.

If you live in Tellicherry an can help me map these areas more accurately, I would love to hear from you. I am uncertain exactly where the mosques are placed as they are quite hard to pick out on Google Earth. I am especially keen to locate the oldest mosques and temples in the town.

[1] Memoir of the Malabar Survey, by Lieutenants Ward and Connor, originally published in 1906, and more recently in 1995. Page 39 & 40.
[2] Oriental Commerce, Or, The East India Trader's Complete Guide:
by William Milburn, Thomas Thornton published in 1825, Page 172

Old Fort of Nellialam

2009-03-24T06:36:00.013Z

The Bald Hill at Nellialam. Please click for a larger image.

Manmadhan Ullattil has drawn my attention to the following paragraph that appears in several editions of the Madras District Gazetteer.

"Nothing remains of the old fort of Nellialam except traces of its ditch. It is said to have been levelled for growing coffee in 1874 by Mr. Adolphus Wright. Just south of the village is a flat-topped hill called Chatur Kottai Dinnai which from the steepness of its sides is almost inaccessible except on the east, and on this are said to have been built two fortified granaries. Traces of the buildings and the defences may still be made out."

From The Nilgiris Madras District Gazetteer, Page 372,by W. Francis 1998.

This raises several fascinating questions.

If the fort was on land capable of growing coffee, could it have been on top of this bald hill?

Presumably even the most inexperienced of coffee planters would not choose to plant coffee on an outcrop, when he had miles of rolling verdant hills to choose from.

If the fort wasn't at this bald hill, where was it?

Is this bald hill Chatur Kottai Dinnai?

Could the two objects on the ground ringed in red be either of the two fortified granaries?

If not, what are they?

If you can help me translate the meaning behind the place name Chatur Kottai Dinnai, I would love to hear from you.

If you live in Nelliyalam and you were able to take photos on this hill, or on any other hill nearby where the fort was actually located, I would love to see those photos.

What does the curved line of rock inside blue line look like close up?

Is it just a bit of natural rock outcrop, or is it levelled boulders from some beast work.

Did Mr. Wright's house face this hill, and did he level it because it spoiled the view, and not so he could plant coffee?

Or was his house somewhere else entirely?

Perhaps he wanted a romantic view of something that reminded him of home, perhaps a Tor or a Scottish Peak, and the derelict remains of the camp spoilt the vista.

The ridge at Nelliyalam showing the bald hill at its eastern end. Please click for a larger image.

As can be seen from this image there is a whole string of villages and plantations along this ridge, but most of these probably date from the 20th Century when the area was opened up to immigrants from other Indian States to promote food growth.

Where are the earliest houses and settlements on this ridge?

Whish & Kindersley discoverers of the Nilgiris Plateau?

2009-03-21T17:30:00.004Z

Nelliala,possibly the site of a 1805 military post,
at a place called Nelliyalam today.

History has a habit of changing, and quite often the "established facts" in any history book actually turn out to be incorrect or at best are questionable.

While researching the route that Thomas Baber took in 1823 up to the Nilgiris from Calicut, I discovered an intriguing fact.

It was not in fact John Sullivan who first discovered the Nilgiris plateau at Ootacamund, as is generally believed, but two of his junior officials who had set out from the eastern side of ghats in pursuit of tobacco smugglers who were regularly using it. These officials were J.C. Whish, the Assistant Collector from Coimbatoor and N.W. Kindersley, the Second Assistant Collector also from Coimbatoor.

An interesting connection existed however with Calicut, because J.C. Whish had a brother C.M. Whish who was a magistrate in Calicut during years around 1819, and who shared a common interest in Hindu and Sanskrit texts and astronomy with Thomas Baber.

C.M. Whish was a very gifted linguist and he was able understand the religious texts that he found in the temples in Tellicherry and Calicut well enough to be able to recognise that they contained complex calendars, astronomical calculations and predictions for the return periods of comets.

In 1819 and quite possibly at earlier dates as well, Thomas Baber and Whish met frequently in Tellicherry and at Calicut to work on the texts of the Vedas and other related texts. Thomas Baber was already familar with routes up the Ghats as were other local officials like Waddell and C. M. Whish.

Had Whish told his brother in Coimbatoor about these favoured peaks?

Did the brothers ever meet on the top of the Ghats?

We will probably never know, but it is just possible that they did.

The story of the original journey to the Nilgiris Plateau by Whish and Kindersley is as follows: -

"From the year 1799 up to 1819, these mountains were in the daily view of all the authorities from the plains of the Coimbatoor province, and a revenue was collected from them for the Company by a renter (a Chitty) and paid into the Cutchery of the collector of that province. But of the country nothing was then known.

After twenty years' possession by the Company, two young civilians, Messrs. Whish and Kindersley, were induced, in consequence of the maltreatment of some Ryots in the low country, by a Polygar, who fled up the pass of Danaynkeucottah, to follow his track; and not being- encumbered with him as a prisoner, they afterwards proceeded to reconnoitre a little of the interior of the hills, as they had for some time before intended. Their first halt was at a village called Dynaud, about nine miles to the eastward of Kotagherry near Rungasamy Peak, (the most sacred mountain- on the Neilgherries), where they found the man they were in search of, in a hut. He was exceedingly polite in offering refreshments to the gentlemen, and pretending to go for some milk, took the opportunity of making good his retreat!

They then proceeded across the hills, and descended by the Keloor Pass. But they had seen and felt quite enough to excite their own curiosity and that of the collector, Mr. Sullivan, who, establishing his general residence there, continued to live in this delightful climate with his family, in health and comfort, for the greatest part of the succeeding ten years."[1]

The story behind this pass over the ghats, goes back much earlier than the date of first European journeys across it. The pass had been used by Indian traders for many years and probably centuries. The Badaga Gaudas had migrated along it from the Wayanad as they colonised the slopes of the Nigrilis during the 18th century.

Following the imposition of the tobacco monopoly by the East India Company, it had become a favoured smugglers route, as is described by R Baikie, in 1834, in the following paragraph.

"The only other pass which remains to be described, is the Koondah Pass, which is but little known to the public, being as yet merely marked out, and frequented by Mopilas bringing up various articles, and smuggling tobacco* down. It was marked out by my friend Lieutenant LeHardy, then of the Pioneer corps, now of the Commissariat Department, and does great credit to his skill, perseverance, and ingenuity. It commences at Canoot, at the base of the hills on the Malabar side, and ascending through a deep ravine filled with wood, a distance of 12 miles, reaches the summit of the Koondahs, and crossing them, descends upon the central-table land of the Neelgherries, and reaches Ootacamund, 30 miles from the head of the pass. The slope is so gradual as never to exceed If inches in the foot, and the road, owing to certain obstructions, is in many places level, in others surmounts them by short zig-zags. From Canoot, at the foot of the pass, to Arricode, on the Baypoor river, is 16 miles, and thence to Calicut, on the coast, by the river, (here navigable at all seasons for large boats,) is 28 miles. When this road is (as I hope and trust it will speedily be) fairly opened and made practicable even for bullocks, horses, and palankeens, it will doubtless soon become one of the most frequented, particularly by travellers from Calcutta and Bombay.

* The road, as now marked out, closely follows a path frequented by these tobacco smugglers, who formerly carried on this trade to a great extent. Tobacco is grown in large quantities in Coimbatoor, but Government have a monopoly of it in Malabar, and a heavy duty is charged on it, on entering the latter province; the consequence of which is, an extensive contraband trade, principally across the Neelgherries, as being less liable to interruption. If I am rightly informed, the original discovery of the hills was owing to this circumstance ; Messrs. Whish and Kindersley, of the Civil Service, (in 1819,) having pursued a band of smugglers up a small pass to the N. E. of Kotagherry, and thus become acquainted with the existence of a table-land with an European climate."[2]

However even Whish and Kindersley were almost certainly not the first European travellers onto the top of the Nilgiris.

Tipu's Armies had descended from Mysore into Malabar over the same route, as well as some of the other passes in the 1780's. These armies had contained many French soldiers and officers. Had they in fact been the first European's who passed over the Ooty route?

In the course of the 1796 to 1806 Pazhassi Rajah's struggle against the East India Company a series of posts had been established on top of the highest peaks, in order to try to trap and contain the attacks by the Rajah's supporters.

These were manned by small parties of East India Company soldiers, and the posts appear in many cases to have had intervisibility over the jungles and scrub making up the surrounding tablelands. One post was situated on top of Banasura, and another was at Nelliala, now called Nelliyalam.

"The possible outline of a breast work from 1805 on top of Nelliala"[3]

Websites and gazetteers describe the village as it then was as having been the home of the Nelliyalam Rani (as also called Ratti in some websites, is this right?), and explain that remains of her fort remain to be seen.

It is possible that the ruins on top of this hill are the remains of the Rani's fort, however to me they look far too irregular and poorly built to have been even a minor palace or fort.

The other rulers buildings that I have visited in the area, and especially those built before the arrival of the Europeans appear to have been of higher quality in their construction, and even when ruined leave a far more regular and substantial set of footings.

Consider the ruins at Sultan Bathory for instance.

Does anybody who comes from this area have the time to visit the peak of this mountain and to take photograph of these ruins?

Can anybody confirm that this is indeed the site of the Rani's palace, because I have no idea where in Nelliyalam the palace was actually located, and it might have been at another location in the area entirely, that I have failed to spot on Google Earth.

Of course it is entirely possible even if this had been the site of the palace that the British soldiers and Sepoys had moved into its ruins to make their camp.

From this site the soldiers could have looked out over the surrounding area for signs of trouble. It is quite possible that they had the use of telegraph signals between the posts, as was the case between Portsmouth and London and between the posts of Wellingtons army stationed on the Lines of Torres Vedras a few years later in Portugal during the Napoleonic Wars.

The route along the ridge is described by several travellers including Thomas Baber writing in about 1830.

"I left Ottakail Karumba at 10 A. M. on the 11th, and arrived at Koodaloor about 1 p.m. About half-a-mile from the karumba, I reached the road I constructed in 1806, from Nelliala in Parakatneatil, to Nambolacota, and continued along it until within three miles of Koodaloor, where is yet to be traced the course of the high road formerly constructed by Tippoo, by the Caracole Pass to South Malabar; after going about a mile along it, I struck off to the right, by a path which led to Koodaloor, a village at the post of Neddibett, the pass leading up the famed Neelghurries. Koodaloor is a village of Baddagurs, containing between 20 and 30 houses. There are a few Kottara's houses in its vicinity. Here I was met by the Narabolacota Waranoor, attended by his dependants, and nearly all the inhabitants of Nambolacota. I halted in consequence here for the night, and obtained from them the following information respecting the Neelghurries."[4]

This line of posts appears to have run as far as Gudalur, or Koodalur as it was spelt in 1806.

It is highly likely that the troops stationed in Gudalur patrolled out into the surrounding valleys, and that as the land returned to peace after the Pazhassi Rajah had been defeated in November, that the officers commanding at these posts hunted and rode out into the surrounding area. The track over the crest into what became Ooty was already in regular use by Indian traders.

I believe the Ooty area was first visited by Europeans possibly as early as 1780, and certainly by 1806.

Who were these officers, and do accounts of their trips survive?

[1]From Narrative of a Journey to the Falls of the Cavery; with an historical and Descriptive Account of the Neilgherry Hills. Published 1834 by Smith Elder, London, Page 33. By Lieutenant H Jervis, H. M. 62nd Regt.

[2] Observations on the Neilgherries, including an account of their Topography, Climate , Soil & Productions and of the Effects Climate, on the Europan Constitution, by R Baikie Esq. M.D. Published Calcutta 1834, page 4.

[3] 11 degrees 30' 41.20" N 46 degrees 19' 56.90"E.

[4] Pages 313-314, Journal of a Route to the Neelghurries from Calicut, Asiatic Journal (New Series) III.