News of Major Cameron's Defeat reaches Britain.

Major Cameron played an unwitting part in the story of Thomas Baber and this may have given an edge to Thomas Baber's later hunt for the Pyche Rajah.  The Major was the husband of Helen, who once widowed went on to become Thomas Baber's wife and who stuck with him throughout all his later troubles.

News of the Major's death which had taken place on the 18th of March 1797 reached Britain shortly  before the 28th of August 1797. It is a measure of just how serious an incident this had been, that the news was thought to warrant overland post.

Usually the dispatches to Britain went by sea, and would have taken many more months to have arrived in London. An overland dispatch had to go via the Red Sea to Egypt and on to London by ship via the Mediterranean, and would have cost approximately £400, a very large sum in those days, the equivalent of  annual salary of a senior official or Colonel, per letter.

The following report was picked up by the Reading Mercury, most probably from a London Paper published a day or so before.

Reading Mercury - Monday 28 August 1797

Friday and Saturday’s Posts.

EAST-INDIA INTELLIGENCE.

Yesterday a Court of Directors was held at the East-India house, for the purpose of reading dispatches received over-land from Bombay.

Their purport is understood to be of a disagreeable nature, but by no means so hostile to the peace of India as had been reported.

In consequence of some dispute between Tippoo Saib and the Rajah of Cotiote, respecting elephants, a detachment of our troops, consisting of a thousand men, headed by Colonel Dow, marched towards that province, for the sake of ending the dispute by treaty or arms; when, on passing Wynaad into Cotiote, they were attacked by the refractory Rajah Pyche.  On the early retreat of Colonel Dow, the command devolved on Major Cameron, who after a gallant resistance, fell at the head of his troops.  In this unfortunate action we lost 300 men. And great part of our ammunition.

The following is a list of the killed and wounded.

Killed.  Major Cameron, Lieutenant Nugent, Ensign Mudge, Ensign Ruddiman.

Wounded.  Captain Budden, Ensign Fallow.

In consequence of the above unhappy contest, Governor Duncan, attended by General Stewart, proceeded from Bombay to Tellicherry, in order to confer with the Ministers of Tippoo, leaving Sir Charles Malet and Mr. Page, in charge of Government.

The latest advices from Bombay state the agreeable news of Tippoo’s return to Seringapatam, from what had been termed a hunting party; and of every prospect of tranquillity being about to be restored to the Cotiote Province.[1]

A full report of the action in which these men were killed is given in my Blog of Wenesday 27th December 2006, The Death of Major Cameron. [2]

[1] From the British Library Newspaper Collection.

[2] http://malabardays.blogspot.co.uk/2006/12/death-of-major-cameron.html

Capt. David Price's Account of the Battle of the Periah Pass. 18th of March 1797.

Battle of the Periah Pass. 18th of March 1797.

The following account by Captn. David Price of the 7th Bombay Native Infantry of the expedition from Calicut up the ghats and into the Wayanad, gives a particular livid account of what fighting against the insurgents under the Pazhassi Rajah was like to take part in.

This operation led by Lieut. Col. Dow, was intended to bring the force back down into the coastal plain behind the forces that the Rajah had drawn up in his territory. The Rajah's forces had been successfully withstanding previous attempts to force him back out of his ancestral lands, immediately inland of Tellicherry.

Price had travelled to Tellicherry in order to recuperate after having lost a leg at the siege of Dharwar. Tellicherry was seen at that time as being a particularly healthy place. He arrived to find the rebellion by the Pyche Rajah had flaired up, and that Lt. Col. Dow needed a staff office, so despite stilling needing to use crutches Price joined the column.

As the following extract explains, he was soon in fear of his life, and fleeing down the ghats.

About the period at which we are now arrived, I think it must have been late in the month of December, of the year 1797, I had received an invitation from Gen. Bowles, to pass a short time with him in Malabar; in which province he held the military command. As the voyage at that season of the year was equally pleasant and short, I did not hesitate to avail myself of this invitation; and I was received by my respected old friend at Tillicherry with his usual kindness and hospitality. He resided at the time in the same cadjan bunglah, on the fort side of Cuddowly-hill, where we had formerly so often partaken of the elegant and splendid hospitalities of Capt. (afterwards Gen.) Gore's table.
It happened at the time, that we were in the very crisis of the jungle war, with our refractory tributary Kerula Verma, the Pyché Rajah; who in the bosom of his forest retreats, seemed to bid defiance to all the efforts of regular warfare. His house or palace at Pycheh had some time since been stormed and pillaged; but his submission appeared as distant as ever; and a division of native troops was stationed for the present at Cotapoorambah; 6 or 8 miles within land, or to the eastward of Tillicherry.

Unfortunately, although I was personally unknown to him Col. Dow ,who was the military commissioner joined to those entrusted with the general superintendance of the province of Malabar, proposed to me to act as his secretary, with a detachment then in preparation, at his suggestion, to operate as a separate column in the rear of the Cotiote district. Although the scheme of a jungle campaign presented nothing very captivating to a man who in case of extremity, must trust to his crutches, I did not think myself at liberty to decline the risk; and I acceded to the proposal.
My first confidential conference furnished me, however, with an instance of mental abstraction, of which I could have formed but a very imperfect conception; and I experienced a pretty strong foretaste of what I had undertaken. I found that, with very imperfect information on the subject, I was expected to draw up a plan for the execution of the design in agitation; and it was only by vexatious questioning, that I gradually elicited from the Colonel, such hints as enabled me to commit to paper sundry paragraphs, recommending that an attack should be made on a post established immediately in the rear of the Cotiote; by marching a detachment into Wynaud; and further acting as circumstances should arise. And this, in the shape of a letter, was communicated to his brother commissioners at Mahé.

A native battalion, recently embodied and imperfectly disciplined, under Maj. Cameron, a gallant and distinguished soldier, together with some draughts from other corps ,was destined for this service, and there was attached to it a grasshopper mountain gun, of about 2 pound calibre. The corps might have amounted altogether to about 800 or 900 strong. In furtherance of the design the detachment marched to Calicut; while Col. Dow and myself proceeded by sea from Tillicherry, to join it. The prevailing difficulty was to procure, in as short a time as possible, a supply of rice for the consumption of ten days or a fortnight, and bullocks for its conveyance. The civil servant appointed to the charge, for some private reasons, declined to accompany our commissariat.

In 2 or 3 days, however, slenderly provided, the detachment marched towards the foot of the Tammercherry gauht; and in the second day's march, we ascended the pass without obstruction. The road up this gauht was sufficiently wide, and more than ordinarily well formed; but it was uniformly steep, the whole of the way.
We encamped in a confined and irregular glen, surrounded by hills, about half a mile to the eastward of the head of the gauht; and here we remained some days to complete the final arrangement for our proceedings; but more particularly, to obtain some further supply of provisions, as the district furnished nothing whatever: and here also it was, truth compels me to remark ,that Maj. Cameron exhibited the first symptoms of discontent; because instead of receiving one from the commanding officer, he was not allowed to frame an order of march of his own.

Having secured a further small supply of grain, and established a miniature mud post, near the head of the gauht for a guard of sepoys under Lieut. Waddington, our detachment was put in motion in advance; without having yet discovered any thing hostile; excepting a few apparently unarmed and naked stragglers, about the edge of the jungle, which covered the hills to the N.W. Our column pushed on for a short distance to the southward, to get round the foot of the hill, when turning to the left, or northward, we passed through some of the most pleasing woodland scenery I ever beheld. To guard against surprise, where we were in momentary expectation of attack, a section of every division was ordered to keep loaded. In the afternoon, still without having perceived a single human being, our own people excepted, although many houses occasionally along the skirts of the jungle, overlooking the cultivated openings, we finally encamped in one of those openings in two lines with our baggage in the center.

On the day following, we continued our march unmolested; but I have reason to think not quite unobserved; as the simply armed natives must have accompanied our movements under cover of the jungle on our flanks: more particularly of the impermeable hill forest to our left ,where they were unassailable to troops unwieldily armed like ours. On reaching a solitary bazaar, or angadi, of which I have forgotten the name, early in the afternoon, we again encamped. This was at the gorge of a spacious open valley, intermediate between the Cotiary gauht, and the Periacherrum, another smaller one at the very bottom of the valley.

On the third day we resumed our march, amidst the same description of scenery as had hitherto accompanied us; and which generally prevails, indeed, among the eastern recesses of the southern gauhts; until we came to another considerable opening, or cultivated flat, between the hill ranges; our entrance to which was rather inconveniently interrupted by a narrow, but deep and muddy water-course; which it occupied some time to cross. Here we encamped.

Our position at this moment was about 3 miles to the eastward of the Eliacherrum gauht, immediately at the back of the Cotiote district below. I am compelled to observe that, through Col. Dow's extraordinary abstraction of mind, we were frequently, during the march, by running perpetually at some distance ahead of the column, exposed to the utmost danger of being cut off, by any stragglers, that might find it convenient to make a dash at us.

Nevertheless, it might not be very difficult to account for this apparent disregard of personal danger, when it is understood that the Colonel entertained a secret notion, that the little Rajah, with whom he had been long personally acquainted, would somewhere or other on the march, have met him in a friendly way; and an accommodation thus peacefully effected, to which force had hitherto proved unavailable. Having, however, been disappointed in this benevolent expectation, it became next our object to establish a strong party, under a steady and devoted officer, at the head of the Cherrum. For this purpose Lieut. Burke of Cameron's battalion, was selected.

Next day, accordingly, the whole of the detachment marched to the head of the Cherrum, which I still think to have been the Eliacherrum. We reached the head of the pass without the least obstacle of any kind; and still without the least sight or vestige of an enemy. Our march lay through a continued jungle, of perhaps three miles; emerging from which, we entered another opening of considerable extent, skirted all round by the woods: the actual head of the pass being immediately on the opposite, or western, side of the opening. We chose for our party the edge of the jungle to the eastward; as offering the fairest chance of a successful retreat through the woods in the rear.

Having crossed the open ground to the head of the pass (which was completely covered in, by over-hanging forest trees) and made such arrangements as had been thought necessary, with regard to our devoted party, the detachment was then counter-marched on its return. But the rear files were scarcely disengaged from the opening of the pass, when we were not a little astonished by a sudden discharge of small arms, from among the trees which over-hung us; directed, however at the retreating column. Some of the shot struck the sepoy's cartridge-boxes without further mischief. The column faced about; and instantly all was as silent as the grave.

At the very moment the volley was given, Col. Dow and myself, with two or three orderlies, had remained, without the smallest suspicion of danger, at the opening of the pass; and resting on the top part of the miaunah palanquin, I was myself deeply engaged in writing a report of our proceedings to the commissioners at Mahé.

Providentially the enemy had not perceived us; otherwise this tale would never have been told. The spot from which the volley was fired, could not have been more than 30 or 40 feet above our heads; and if they had discovered us, there was not a possibility of our escape, as they could have taken aim and fired unseen. The note written here, was despatched from the spot by a confidential native; and was principally intended, after announcing the establishment of the post, under Lieut. Burke, to request that any further supplies might be forwarded up the river of Mahé, towards the recess in the gauhts, at the source of that river.
Although parties were instantly sent to scour the edge of the jungle all round, not a vestige of the enemy could be seen; and we soon afterwards marched back to our encampment, leaving Lieut. Burke with his company, to secure the post, as well as he could, by a stockade and abbatis.

The night passed in undisturbed and singular tranquillity, and morning came; when circumstances presented themselves to our notice, which certainly awakened some very startling speculations. On the summit of the hill-range, which flanked the valley in which we were encamped, on the south side, we observed numbers of people; many of whom appeared with the jacket uniforms of our faithful sepoys suspended from their shoulders. This unlooked-for spectacle naturally produced an apprehension, that something sinister must have occurred in our rear, to some of the parties, which were known to be coming to our support. One of these, under Capt. (now Gen.) Disney, had already joined us. A group of officers, including Col. Dow and myself,drew together towards the foot of the hill, in order, if possible, to ascertain the cause of this inauspicious display. Lieut. Nugent, the Adjutant of Cameron's corps, one of the party, inadvertently, and for which he was immediately reproved by Col. Dow waved his handkerchief ;and some of the strangers, considering this as a signal to approach, without hesitation descended the hill, three or four in number, and joined us.
One of these very differently attired from the Chermers, announced himself as the bearer of a communication from the officer in command of one of Tippoo Sultaun's posts, on the out-skirts of Wynaud towards Mysore; and forthwith presented a sealed note. We now adjourned to the Colonel's tent, for the purpose of perusing the unexpected despatch. The purport of the note, which was in Persian, went to express some surprise, on the part of the writer, at our entrance into Wynaud, as an unwarrantable invasion of a district dependant on the authority of his master, and demanding to be informed of the nature of our designs. To this a reply was immediately prepared under my instructions, as dictated by Col. Dow; disavowing any intention of encroaching on any part of the Sultaun's territory, with whom our government was desirous of cultivating the most amicable relations; and that our appearance in Wynaud had no other object in view than the reduction to his allegiance, of a refractory tributary.

The bearer of the note did not appear to be a person above the ordinary class; and his demeanor was singularly mild, and respectable; the word Boohddy, equivalent to Swaumy in the Carnatic, accompanying every sentence which he uttered. But one of those who accompanied him bore an aspect so ferocious, with whiskers up to his eyes, and a look of such malignity, that I could not avoid observing him with considerable suspicion particularly when he appeared to clutch the weapon in his belt, as if ready for any mischief. The weapon was rather an uncommon one, being formed of the pointed ends of antelope's horns, turned in opposite directions, and held by a joining in the middle, so as to strike right and left. There was something so menacing in the ruffian's demeanor, that I could not avoid casting my eyes upon our pistols which lay on the table before us. Whether he observed me or not, I cannot say; but I think it may have had some effect upon him. They received a trifle in money, and were dismissed.

A far more serious consideration was, however, now to claim our attention for on examining into the state of our provision-stores, we made the alarming discovery, that through some contingent losses during the march, our supply had diminished two days more than we had been led to calculate upon. To avoid, therefore, the alternative of perishing by famine, some decisive step became immediately necessary: and it was determined, to return without delay to the head of the pass; which afforded the nearest communication with the river of Mahé. It was, however, indispensible in the first place, to provide for the security of Lieut. Burke, and his party; whom, to abandon in a situation so exposed, at a distance from all support, would have been as unsoldier-like as it would be inhuman. It so happened, that the night before, in conformity with his instructions, Lieut. Burke, with a part of his small force, had descended to the very foot of the Cherrum in his front (the Eliacherrum) and came unexpectedly upon a party of the enemy; who instantly fled, and very probably, gave an alarm to the Rajah's troops, that the whole detachment was about to attack them in the rear. Burke thought that he would, therefore be permitted to retreat without molestation. At this moment we were, however, not apprized that the troops under Col. Anderson were either marching, or about to march, from Cotapoorambah for the Cotiary gauht.

In these circumstances a note was immediately dispatched to Lieut. Burke in which he was directed, on a concerted signal, which was the firing of our gun that night, instantly to withdraw from the post, and join the main body of the detachments. In the mean time, every arrangement was made preparatory to our retreat, Capt. Disney being appointed to command the rear-guard. In the course of the night--which was rather a sleepless one to most of us Capt. Budden, of Cameron's battalion, and myself, took occasion to visit an officer's piquet, advanced towards the foot of the hill on which the enemy had shewn themselves in such ominous guise in the morning. And to our equal surprise and dismay, when most others were awake, we found the officer, a young subaltern, fast asleep. It cannot be supposed that we greeted him very kindly, and I will venture to say that he slept no more that night.

About 3 in the morning, we fired our little gun, not only as a signal for Lieut. Burke's retreat but also as one of defiance to the enemy, whom we justly suspected to be lurking round us. Then immediately dismounting our grasshopper, we placed it in readiness to be conveyed across the deep and muddy water-course in our rear. Not many minutes were permitted to elapse, when a scattered fire of musketry was heard from the direction of Lieut. Burke's post, and our sensations at the moment may be easily conceived. The detachment was now under arms, and every thing disposed in readiness, for our retrograde movement, as soon as Burke's party should have joined us.

Under circumstances which were sufficiently appalling, our second in command, whose bravery was never called in question so far forgot himself ,as to repeat aloud more than once, in the presence and hearing of the officers, and men under arms—“ this will be a night of discomfiture and disgrace!” and more in sorrow than in anger, I addressed him in terms of strong expostulation, on the strange impropriety of employing such language, at a crisis when every thing was required to animate and to encourage the people. He seemed to take my remonstrance, as it was intended, in good part; for he made me no reply.

The firing continued at intervals during the whole three miles of Lieut. Burke's retreat; but in something less than an hour, the party effected their junction with us; rather, it is not to be denied, in a state of some consternation; some, I regret to say, having lost their turbans, and some even their muskets. They were evidently panic stricken, and it was therefore considered prudent to place them at the head of the column of retreat.

As further delay was inexpedient, the detachment moved in silence across the water-course, Capt. Disney covering the retreat; and the column had gained considerably on the march before day-light.

About an hour after sun-rise, I happened to be in the rear of the column; when, at an angle, where the road turned short to the right, or southward, several of the enemy suddenly made their appearance ,on a narrow spur which we had just crossed, and which was thrown out from the woody hill-range on our right. I desired some of the sepoys that were near me to fire at them; but although they were within 40 yards of us, by throwing themselves flat upon the earth the moment they saw the flash of the firing, they must have escaped unhurt. At all events they disappeared into the thick jungle, which covered the hill-range on the right of our line of march.

Our march was continued with little other molestation than that by which we were assailed from the same jungle covered hill, whence the enemy kept plying us with their bows and arrows from among the trees, where they were perfectly secure from dislodgement; and yelling at us the whole of the way, like so many hungry jackals. Many an arrow which had missed its aim was picked up and deposited in my miaunah, by poor Lieut. Nugent, the Adjutant of Cameron's battalion; a very gallant and promising young officer, whose untimely fate we had so shortly afterwards occasion to deplore. But it was rather surprising that we should have here experienced no other casualty than two or three sepoys slightly wounded. The retreat throughout was conducted in perfect order; and early in the afternoon near the solitary Angady, which we noticed in our advance ,and which had been since burnt down, we turned to the westward, down the broad valley looking in that direction from the Angady, and finally encamped where it terminates; immediately at the head of the Periacherrum pass.

We had, however, scarcely halted on our ground, when the enemy, who had probably moved on our right flank during the march, made their appearance many in number, at the edge of the jungle, high up the hill to the northward of us. We pushed our little gun up the acclivity, in order to keep them at a respectable distance; but after two or three discharges, we found the elevation too great; and the firing was discontinued, lest we might injure or dismount our only piece of artillery. The enemy did not then, however, offer us any further molestation.

It was now, that Col. Dow communicated to me his intention of quitting the detachment, and proceeding to the coast next morning. This, at the time, did certainly appear to me an extraordinary resolution; and I did not hesitate to tell him honestly that it would be so considered. His reply was –“that he deemed it indispensibly necessary, before he could enter upon any further proceeding, to consult his brother commissioners at Mahé; and that he must stand or fall by his correspondence.” I was myself not sorry to be relieved from a situation into which I had been inadvertently drawn; and yet I felt a jealous repugnance to leave the detachment at such a crisis. But I found that my commander's resolution was unalterable; and to urge any thing further on my part might have been considered disrespectful. At the same time, I never doubted the ability of Maj. Cameron, to conduct the detachment in its retreat.

The night again passed in perfect quiet; and the ensuing morning, about 8 o’clock, and after breakfast, accompanied by a Jummadaur's escort of about 30 men, and leaving the command to Maj. Cameron, we proceeded to descend the gauht. On this occasion ordering my bearers with the miaunah to follow, I commenced the descent on my crutches; but had not long continued my progress ,when I found tha,t with his habitual abstraction of mind, the Colonel had marched on with the escort, far out of sight or hearing; thus leaving me at a distance in the rear, with no other protection than that which would be derived from two sepoy orderlies. It was God's providence that even this slender protection remained with me; for, a very little, while afterwards, they called my attention to the forest acclivity, about a musket-shot to our left, where I immediately perceived several of the enemy stealing hastily along, as if to take possession of some spot from whence they might securely assail us.
I sent, therefore, one of the sepoys on, to request that the Colonel would halt the escort until I could come up, as I believed we were about to be attacked.

Fortunately, the sepoy overtook the Colonel some distance in front, and the party stood fast until I joined them. We had proceeded not more, perhaps than 200 or 300 yards on our march, when we came to a shallow rivulet, which made an opening both to the right and left. Our first red coat had scarcely appeared in the opening, when a sharp fire of musketry, from among the rocks and trees on our right, and a discharge of arrows from the forest range on our left, commenced upon us. The fire of musketry was certainly within the distance of 30 or 40 yards.

In crossing the rivulet, it was necessary that I should plant my crutches with the most deliberate caution, among the slippery pebbles, which covered the bottom; and many a shot, and many an arrow, dashed the water up between my crutches; and it was certainly almost a miracle, that I should have gained the opposite side unscathed. And here, in justice to the memory of a brave man, long since departed to his eternal rest, I must acknowledge the surprise which I felt at the energy, activity, and ardour, which seemed, in a moment, to animate the entire frame of Col. Dow. The unfaltering coolness with which he gave his orders, and arranged our little party for defence, brought conviction home to me, that it only required a crisis of actual danger ,to awaken in him faculties that would have rendered him a bright example to the service.

The scattered fire of our party, separately dispersed among the trees, although we could only aim at the smoke of the enemy's pieces, succeeded, nevertheless, in a short time, in beating them off; for they now retired, either in consequence of some alarm from the rear (for a party had been ordered to our support, by Maj. Cameron, the moment he heard the firing in the gauht) or that they had suffered some loss from our musketry. At all events, this was the last we either saw or heard of them .
We then prosecuted our march, or, as the Colonel good humouredly expressed it, “kept moving,” until the forenoon was considerably advanced, when we came to another rivulet ,broader and deeper than that on which we had experienced our perilous escape. By this time my strength had completely failed me, and a painful cramp having seized the calf of my leg, I sunk down exhausted, and almost fainting, in the middle of the stream. In this situation the sepoys by my direction, poured water over my head and shoulders; and in an instant I felt myself surprisingly refreshed. In a few minutes I was assisted to the top of the opposite bank; which being more elevated than that which we had just quitted, offered a position from which we might oppose any further attempt on the part of the enemy, with greater advantage. The surrounding scenery was also become more open, than exactly suited their system of warfare.

Seated on this bank, I found my strength, notwithstanding, so entirely exhausted by a walk on crutches of 6 or 8, miles that I was compelled to the necessity of declaring that I could proceed no further; and I already considered that I was about to terminate my career under the Nair knife; for it was notorious that they gave no quarter. The Colonel happened to have with him a Mozambique slave, of athletic proportions, and great muscular strength; and by desire of his master, this man consented to take me on his back: but he had scarcely borne me 100 yards, when he complained that my weight was so great, that he could carry me no further, and he accordingly let me down. My clothes had, indeed become so saturated with moisture, by my drenching in the river, and every muscle in my frame so entirely relaxed by fatigue, that my weight must have been nearly doubled, and I could not be much surprised at what he did. Again the goodness of Providence interposed in my behalf; for the sepoys now volunteered to bear me out of danger. Having procured a pole from the adjoining jungle, they fastened together two of their kamlies, or hair-rugs, and, tying them at both ends to the pole, they formed a sort of hammock, in which being placed, I was thus carried on without further detention. It was however not very long before we emerged from the jungle into the open country, a little above the small station, on the north bank of the river of Mahé; called, as far as I can recollect, Parkarote. Hence, turning a short distance to the northward, perhaps an 100 or 200 yards, we were conducted to a very substantial Mopla house. We were taken to the upper part of the building, into an open gallery balustraded all round; the roof projecting to a considerable distance beyond the body of the building. Here we were in sufficient security against attack; the gallery sloping outwards above the parts below, so as to admit of our firing on the heads of any assailants. Here, after partaking of a simple curry, it being now late in the afternoon, we laid ourselves down on some floor mats, and slept without either awaking, or thinking of an enemy, until breakfast time the next morning.

While we were at breakfast a report was brought us that a number of sepoys were at that moment issuing from the opening in the jungle, from which we had made our egress the preceding day. This proved to be the advanced guard ,commanded by Capt. Disney, of the main body of the detachment, under Maj. Cameron; now also on its retreat down the Cherrum. Capt. Disney, although attacked on his march, effected his passage without loss; which was certainly surprising, when we considered that the enemy fired in perfect security from behind the trees and inaccessible rocks. Capt .Disney gave a written report of the circumstances of his passage; which was as graphic as it was interesting. Having directed him to post his people, together with the 30 men which had composed our escort, near the opening of the jungle, in such order as to flank the detachment, under Maj. Cameron, if hard pressed in his retreat, which we did not expect, Col. Dow accompanied by myself, proceeded on board a large canoe with out-rigger, in which we dropped down the placid river to the once French settlement of Mahé; where, without further incident, we arrived in the course of the day.
We were hospitably received by Mr Law, one of the gentlemen of the Bombay civil service attached to the province of Malabar ;at whose house I was immediately put to bed, under violent feverish irritation, occasioned by so much fatigue and excitement. This was, however soon allayed, and in a few days we quitted Mahé, after Col. Dow had held his conference with the commissioners ;and I returned to my old friend Gen. Bowles quarters, at Caddouly hill, in Tillicherry.

While at Mahé, the details reached us of the disastrous circumstances of Maj. Cameron's retreat. He fell in the disorderly conflict; as did his Adjutant, Lieut. Nugent, whom I have already mentioned, as a very gallant and promising young soldier. On this fatal occasion, he proved himself worthy of the highest encomium; for when the native officer who carried one of the colours of the battalion, was killed he immediately disengaged the colour from the staff, and wrapping it round his waist, soon after fell, mortally wounded. The circumstances of Maj. Cameron's death were never reported. The total loss sustained by the detachment was never correctly ascertained. At first it was supposed to have been most serious independently of the death of two gallant officers; but many supposed to have been killed, contrived to escape among the jungles, and subsequently joined their corps.

It was thought by many that, in part at least, this disaster might have been avoided; and that was by abandoning the baggage, instead of suffering it, with the crowd of bullocks, to choke the narrow passage of the gauht; so as to much impede the movements of the men. This was, however, an alternative, to which Maj. Cameron, who was one of our bravest officers, could not submit, any more than to leave the little grasshopper, which was lost in the confusion. My bearers contrived to escape by throwing down my palanquin; but my poor Mussulman, Hookah-burdaur, was killed on the spot. The palanquin being observed overturned by the side of the narrow road, and my cloak hanging over the side, the report was circulated that I had shared his fate; because, at the time ,I happened to wear a green undress frock-coat, and the green lining of the boat cloak seemed to account for the report.

In his report of the circumstances attending his march, Capt. Disney stated that at the commencement of every attack, he heard the small shrill note, of what he considered a slender reed pipe. During our descent, I had heard a similar note, which I conceived to have been either that of a forest bird, or the sound occasioned, perhaps, by the collision of some clusters of bamboo, agitated by the passing breezes.

While at Tillicherry, a report was drawn up by me, in detail, of our proceedings; from the period of our departure from Calicut, up to that of our return to Mahé. It was addressed to Gen. Stuart, the Com.-in-Ch. of the Bombay army; who, as I was subsequently informed by his secretary, Maj. Walker, declared it to have been the only intelligible account which he had yet received of the transactions in Malabar. It devolved to me also, and curiously enough in competition with Capt.(since Maj. Gen.)Lewis to draw up a memorial to the commissioners at Mahé. Col. Dow, from a partiality ,perhaps, of which he might not have been aware adopted that of his officiating secretary; for I certainly could not have become better informed in the affairs of Malabar than Capt Lewis, who had for many years resided in that province.
I must not omit to state, that at the expiration of two or three days after our return to Tillicherry, I accompanied Col Dow to visit the division Col Anderson; which was on its return from a march to the foot of the Cotiary gauht, towards its fixed station at Cotapoorambah; and this right across the line of our retreat from the Periacherrum. As the immediate district was at this moment in the power of the insurgents, we halted for the night at Cudroor, a Nair fortified house, about midway between Tillicherry and Cotapoorambah. The access to the interior of this mansion was by a ladder, to an upper door about 20 feet from the ground; which, rendered it pretty secure against attack without artillery. The ladder of ascent was nothing but the stem of a tree, with notches cut into it for steps; and I experienced some difficulty in getting to the top. In the course of the afternoon, we heard several discharges of musketry; which we were next day informed had been occasioned by some vexatious and desultory attempts on the part of the enemy, to harrass the detachment on its march to Cotapoorambah.

Next morning we quitted our snug retreat, at Cudroor house, with our small escort of sepoys; and pushing at quick time along the open track of rice grounds, flanked on either side by a suspicious looking jungle, we reached the station at Cotapoorambah, without either attack or accident early in the forenoon.

We found the troops under Col. Anderson disposed round the large tank, and in the dilapidated buildings along the sides. At present there appeared to be a dead stop to our operations against the Cotiote insurgents: any attack on the interior of that forest-covered-district, with our then existing force, being considered worse than useless; and a wanton sacrifice of human life, to no purpose whatever.

While we remained at Cotapoorambah, Col. (since Lieut.- Gen.) Nicholson, of the Bombay engineers, had occasion to visit the station; and on his way from Tillicherry, with an escort of provisions, had personal experience of what the troops were exposed to on these indispensible duties; for his approach to the post was early announced, by a sharp fire of musketry, kept up between the escort and the enemy, in the jungle on their flanks, while they were proceeding along the centre of the open rice grounds, between Cudroor house and Cotapoorambah. There was, however no mischief done; and the Colonel, who had not for years, been within the range of an angry musket-shot, seemed not a little rejoiced to find himself among his friends. He had lost a leg, it might be noted, in a campaign of his early service.

Col Anderson, who had most justly the character of an excellent officer, as was eminently proved by the skill of his arrangements, in maintaining and providing for the subsistence of the station at Cotapoorambah, was nevertheless, of a disposition not the most accommodating in the world; and with whom official communication, therefore, presented nothing very agreeable, or inviting. I accordingly, soon discovered that he and I were not likely to coalesce. I had indeed already given offence by openly expressing an opinion averse to the fire-and-sword system, hitherto pursued; and he had, I thought ,very significantly remarked, that the service had never prospered, since subalterns had presumed to give their opinions. At all events, and all things considered, I took an early opportunity of signifying to Col. Dow, that it was my intention of returning to my duties at the Presidency by the first conveyance from Malabar. [1]

[1] Memoirs of the early life & service of a Field Officer of the Retired List of the Indian Army, published London 1839. by David Price. page 333 to 351.

Thomas Baber's account of the death of the Pazhassi Rajah, Part 4.

The final moments in the hunt for the Rajah are described in an account of events that Thomas Baber wrote at Cannanore on the 31st of December 1805.


Having said this much of the plan of operations that had been adopted, I now come to those which terminated the career of the Pyche (Palassi) chieftain.

I before said that one of my objects by getting in the inhabitants of Pulpilly (Pulpalli) was to obtain accurate information of the rebels. This I did not think prudent to commence upon too early lest they should take alarm. I preferred trying all my persuasive means to gain their confidence and to wean them from their connections. For this purpose I had them before me and took every opportunity of representing the folly of countenancing a body of men so truly contemptible, and who had no other end than to involve them in one common ruin. I pointed to them in the strongest colours the power and lenity of the British Government, and at last, what with exhortation and occasional presents, had succeeded in inducing several of these, who had been of most essential service to the Raja’s party, to send their Paniyars (Paniyar – agricultural labourers) out in quest of information. I took the precaution of swearing all whom I employed to secrecy.

With many agents, I could not fail of success in some of them. On the 30th ultimo, three of them at last brought me intelligence of the Pyche Raja and all the rebel leaders with the exception of Palora Jamen (Pallur Eman) being then in the opposite side of the Kangara river, a short distance in Mysore, and this so unequivocally that I determined to act upon it. I accordingly requested of Lieutenant-Colonel Hill to assist me with 50 Sepoys and an Officer, with which force and about 100 kolkars, half captain Watson’s Police, half my own locals, I marched at nine o’clock at night; and such was the secrecy in which we set off that our guides even did not know my intention until the moment we took our departure. Previous to this I had deemed it expedient to make a feint to divert the attention of the rebels (who I thought it probable might have their spies in camp) by detaching 70 of my kolkars, under the Sheristadar, under the pretext of going in pursuit of Palora Jamen who was reported to be in the Komanpany Mala in the South-eastern direction, while they had secret instructions after marching half-way to this mountain to strike off eastward to the Kallir Mountain and there lie in ambush near to paths to cut off the retreat of any fugitives who would, in most probability, go off in that direction in the event of our party coming up with the rebels.



The banks of the Kangara River

Such was the nature of the country that although we kept marching the whole night we did not reach the Kangara river until seven the following morning. Here we divided ourselves into two parties, and proceeding along the banks, observed a vast number of huts, all of them bearing every appearance of recent habitation: we continue marching until nine o’clock, when the detachment being fatigued, a halt was proposed. We accordingly halted, and having taken some refreshment, we again started, with the determination of tracing every jungly path: so fully persuaded was I, as well from the earnestness of our guides as the consideration that this was a part of Mysore that our troops had at no time penetrated or perhaps even thought of doing, that the rebels must be concealed in some parts of these jungles. After proceeding about a mile and a half through very high grass and thick teak forests into the Mysore country, Charen Subedar of Captain Watson’s armed police, who was leading the advanced party suddenly halted and beckoning to me, told me he heard voices. I immediately ran to the spot, and having advanced a few steps, I saw distinctly to the left about ten persons, unsuspecting of danger, on the banks of the Mavila Toda, or Nulla to our left. Although Captain Clapham and the sepoys as well as the greater part of the kolkars, were in the rear, I still deemed it prudent to proceed, apprehensive lest we should be discovered and all hopes of surprise thereby frustrated. I accordingly ordered the advance, which consisted of about thirty men, to dash on, which they accordingly did with great gallantry, with Charen Subedar at their head. In a moment the advance was in the midst of the enemy, fighting most bravely. The contest was but of short duration. Several of the rebels had fallen, whom the kolkars were despatching, and a running fight was kept up after the rest till we could see no more of them. Just at this time a firing was heard to the right; we accordingly returned, when we saw the sepoys and kolkars engaged with a fresh body of rebels, who proved to be of Coongan’s (Kungan’s) party, but who fled after a few shots had been fired at them and though pursued, were seen nothing more of. From one of the rebels of the first party to the left, whom I discovered concealed in the grass, I learnt that the Pyche Raja was amongst those whom we first observed on the banks of the Nulla, and it was only on my return from the pursuit that I learnt that the Raja was amongst the first who had fallen.



The Mavila Toda, showing the jungily terrain the fight took place in.

It fell to the lot of one of my Cutcherry servants, Canara Menon, to arrest the flight of the Raja, which he did at the hazard of his life (the Raja having put his musket to his breast) and it is worthy of mention that this extraordinary personage, though in the moment of death, called out in the most dignified and commanding manner to the Menon, “Not to approach and defile his person.” Aralat Cootty Nambiar, the only one remaining of those rebels proscribed by Colonel Stevenson and a most faithful adherent of the Raja made a most desperate resistance, but at last fell overpowered by the superior skill of one of the parbutties (pravritti) in Wynad; four other followers of the Raja were also killed. Two taken prisoners together with the Raja’s lady and several female attendants. There was no other property discovered, but a gold Cuttaram (Katharam or Kattaram – dagger) or knife and a waist chain; the former I have now in my possession, the latter I presented to Captain Clapham. And from the accounts of the Raja’s lady, they had been reduced to the greatest distresses in particular for the last ten days. The Raja’s body was taken up and put in my palanquin, while the lady who was dreadfully reduced from sickness was put into Captain Clapham’s. Finding any further pursuit of the rebel useless, we made a disposition of our forces and returned to Chomady which we reached about six in the afternoon without having met with any further occurrence on the road. The following day the Raja’s body was despatched under a strong escort to Manantoddy, and the Sheristadar sent with it with orders to assemble all the Brahmins and to see that the customary honours were performed at his funeral. I was induced to this conduct from the consideration that although a rebel, he was one of the natural chieftains of the country, and might be considered on that account rather as a fallen enemy. If I have acted injudiciously, I hope some allowance will be made for my feelings on such an occasion.

Thus terminated the career of a man who had been enabled to persevere in hostilities against the Company for nearly nine years, during which many thousand valuable lives have been sacrificed and sums of money beyond all calculation expended.

Not withstanding that every effort of moderation and lenity was pursued towards the Raja, nothing could get the better of his natural restlessness and ferocity of disposition, which, aided by evil counsels of his advisers, impelled him to the most desperate acts and produced an infatuation which rendered him insensible to the dictates of humanity or reason. His annihilation became necessary for the stability and security of the Government and its subjects. While this severe necessity existed, the recollection of the services he has performed during the infancy of our Government cannot but inspire us with a sentiment of regret that a man so formed should have pursued a conduct that should have thrown so insuperable a bar to all kinds of accommodations. To temporise further than was done would have been to yield, and to have yielded would have afforded a precedent which might have been fatal to the British Government in India.

But it will not be necessary for me to enlarge to you who are so well acquainted with this chieftain’s history, on the leading features of so extraordinary and singular a character. The records in England and India will convey to posterity a just idea of him”


It is quite obvious from the above letter, and others written later that Thomas came to have a very high regard for the Pyche Raja. He later wrote: -


“ regard and respect bordering on veneration which not even his death can efface.”


As Gopalan Nair wrote in 1911…


“These words were prophetic; more than a century has passed and his name is still cherished by the people as the Saktan Raja.”


Saktan means powerful or great.

Thomas Baber's account of the death of the Pazhassi Rajah, Part 2

Nair warriors from a grave monument.

As these people were exclusively under the influence of Palora Jamen , it is not difficult to explain whence this unfortunate notion originated: it is only those who have had a personal opportunity of knowing the extensive abilities and artifices of this man who can justly calculate upon the mischief and dire consequence that must ensue where such qualifications are employed against us. This was unfortunately instanced in the Kooramars, who, from the time of Palora Jamen’s defection, had become in a manner desperate; they had been foremost amongst the rebel ranks, and there is no crime, no species of cruelty and outrage, which they have not committed.

After this unfavourable description of the southern inhabitants of Wynad, you will judge what were the difficulties to be overcome. I saw that the utmost firmness and vigilance was requisite, at the same time that I deemed the most open and public disclosure of my purposes was more likely to keep in awe those who wearing the appearance of fidelity as well as to counteract the designs of our open enemies. To the Chetties in particular I explained that there were no means I would leave untried to discover their real sentiments, and warned them against giving me the smallest shadow to suspect they were continuing in the rebel interest. For this purpose I employed emissaries in a variety of characters. I made frequent marches by day and night to the most unfrequented parts of the country, and by degrees obtained such a knowledge of the inhabitants that, fearful lest their shallow artifices would sooner or later be known, they began evidently to alter their conduct and on some instances they came forward with information. The rebels saw this change that was being effected, and suspecting a continuance in Parakameetil would expose them to danger, they by degrees emigrated towards the eastern extremities of Wynad, and one march I made after the Rajah while residing at Coorcheat and which would have succeeded but for the treachery of my guide, a Chetty, drove them entirely out of the southern division.

As the great engine of success against an enemy is depriving him of his means of subsistence, my thoughts were naturally directed to this point. As I before said, the Chetties were the media through whom these were principally drawn; these people, to further these their views, had removed their families into Mysore in the villages of Poonat, Pootoor, Kakanabetta, etc, whither they had free egress and regress; and from whence it was no difficult matter to draw such supplies as Wynad could not provide. They had established an intercourse by these means with the Mysorean’s, whom they supplied with ghee and grains of different sorts, and in return received coconuts, oil, salt and other articles necessary for subsistence; in removing their families from Waynad they had a variety of objects, one of which was to secure them against any of those consequences which they naturally apprehended from their own dishonest and perfidious pursuits; another was a safe asylum in the event of discovery. The rebels had now confined themselves to the Wynad Hobali and had entire possession of the eastern frontier, by which they were enabled to profit by this understanding between the Mysoreans and Wynad Chetties free of any molestation whatever. After this statement, it will not be extraordinary that I should have pursued the most effectual means to cut off the destructive commerce. I wrote, therefore to the Resident at Mysore fully on the subject, and requested his co-operation to that extent as should to him appear judicious and expedient; the result of this application was a perfect compliance with my wishes: all the inhabitants of Wynad then in Mysore were ordered to be seized and proclamation made prohibiting, under severe penalties, the passage of any articles whatever without a passport from the officers of the Honourable Company or of Mysore. Major Wilkes went further, so earnest was he in forwarding the public service that he offered to meet me on the frontier should I deem a personal conference as promising still further advantages.

Continues in Part 3 here.. http://malabardays.blogspot.com/2007/08/thomas-babers-account-of-end-of-pyche.html

Copyright Nick Balmer May 2007

The Road to Pulpalli, Day 6 cont.

The modern road from Sultan Bathery [Sultan's Battery] to Pulpally climbs away from the town out into open woodland made up of mature teak trees. The underground is grazed by cattle and goats. The whole effect is most beautiful.



This scene must have been quite different when Thomas and his men were marching this way in 1805. The area was settled by Chetties from Mysore who had arrived in the area in the years following Tippoo Sultan's rule. They appear to have been able to force the local inhabitants to work the land in small plantations on their behalf. This had been done by lending the tribes people money against future crops and then foreclosing on the land when the crops failed to deliver.

The Chetties had come to control the pepper and cardoman trade to the coast.

The situation for farmers in this part of the Wayanad is not so very different today. Many farmers have recently become desparate, having taken out loans in the recent boom in prices, only to be deeply in debt following the collapse in Vanilla prices.

The major change from 1805, is that the population is many times greater than it was in 1805. During World War II many thousands of settlers were brought in to cultivate the area intensively, in an attempt to prevent the recurrence of famine.

As we climbed higher and higher the land turned into dozens of small farms and plantations, each with a bungalow, surrounded by Banana and Palm oil trees.

I found myself wondering what the scene must have been like for Thomas and his men, as they travelled these same ridges in the dark, all the while in constant expectation of falling into an ambush.

I marched at nine o’clock at night; and such was the secrecy in which we set off that our guides even did not know my intention until the moment we took our departure. Previous to this I had deemed it expedient to make a feint to divert the attention of the rebels (who I thought it probable might have their spies in camp) by detaching 70 of my kolkars, under the Sheristadar, under the pretext of going in pursuit of Palora Jamen who was reported to be in the Komanpany Mala in the South-eastern direction, while they had secret instructions after marching half-way to this mountain to strike off eastward to the Kallir Mountain and there lie in ambush near to paths to cut off the retreat of any fugitives who would, in most probability, go off in that direction in the event of our party coming up with the rebels.

Such was the nature of the country that although we kept marching the whole night we did not reach the Kangara river until seven the following morning. Here we divided ourselves into two parties, and proceeding along the banks, observed a vast number of huts, all of them bearing every appearance of recent habitation: we continue marching until nine o’clock, when the detachment being fatigued, a halt was proposed. We accordingly halted, and having taken some refreshment, we again started, with the determination of tracing every jungly path: so fully persuaded was I, as well from the earnestness of our guides as the consideration that this was a part of Mysore that our troops had at no time penetrated or perhaps even thought of doing, that the rebels must be concealed in some parts of these jungles. After proceeding about a mile and a half through very high grass and thick teak forests into the Mysore country, Charen Subedar of Captain Watson’s armed police, who was leading the advanced party suddenly halted and beckoning to me, told me he heard voices. I immediately ran to the spot, and having advanced a few steps, I saw distinctly to the left about ten persons, unsuspecting of danger, on the banks of the Mavila Toda, or Nulla to our left

Fortunately we were well guided by Mr Johnny, who quickly brought us to the head of a small path leading to the site of the Rajah's death.




The path led down hill to a point where the Mavila Toda meets the Kangara River. It is an extremely pleasant site right up against the Karnataka, Mysore boundary. It is easy to see why the Rajah had built his camp here, for he was hidden well away, and could with ease move into Mysore should he wish to flee approaching columns.

What I had not expected, was to find that so many people regularly visit the site. For it was quite obvious from the well trodden path, that the Pazhassi Rajah is still highly regarded today.



The monument is supposed to represent the spot where the Rajah fell. It would appear from Thomas Baber's account that he approached the camp from the opposite bank to the one with the monument on it.

so fully persuaded was I, as well from the earnestness of our guides as the consideration that this was a part of Mysore that our troops had at no time penetrated or perhaps even thought of doing, that the rebels must be concealed in some parts of these jungles. After proceeding about a mile and a half through very high grass and thick teak forests into the Mysore country

There is a very marked contrast today between the Mysore bank which is dry, parched and open woodland and scrub, and the Wayanad bank which is green and covered with bamboo and dense bushes.

Hoping to work Thomas Baber's approach route out, I strode towards the steep bank down to the river, followed closely by my son. At that moment there was a sudden rustle, and my son shouted "snake!", as it slithered over the top of the bank. I just had a chance to see it disappear into the stream. It was quite the biggest snake, I have ever seen, although, probably not particularly large by local standards.

Do people live on in animal spirits?

I have a funny feeling this was the Rajah, no doubt completely daft, but I cannot shake the feeling.

My Indian companions were most alarmed at my continuing into the stream and wading across, but having come that far, I wasn't going to stop, so equipped with a stout stick I found my way across.

If Thomas had come along the Mysore bank it was probably only the briefest of views that his men had had into the huts on the other bank.



From following image taken from Google Earth it is possible to see that the spot where the Rajah was killed falls near the point where a small tributory runs in from the east, into the Mavila Toda. The Mavila Toda runs due north into what Thomas Baber called the Kangara River. Today it is called the Kabini River.

The dry Mysore bank shows quite clearly to the east of the photo.



The Mysore Bank.



Returning to the monument, I was surprised to find Mr Johnny deeply immersed in the print out I had brought of my draft book. He was obviously enjoying it deeply.

As he looked up he explained that he had been fascinated by the story for many years, and as a local journalist and writer had wanted to make a film based around the events of November 1805.

We agreed that it would be a great idea if only we could find a way forward.



Copyright Nick Balmer May 2007

Thomas Baber's account of the death of the Pazhassi Rajah, Part 1.

Camp at Pulpelly, Sub-collector, Northern Divn., Malabar.
30th November 1805.

To the Principle Collector,
Malabar Province.

Sir, A severe sickness has till now prevented me from making to you my official report of the fall of the Rebel Chieftain Cotiote Kerula Werma Rajah alias the Pyche Rajah (Palassi Rajah). I have now the honour of doing this, as well as of detailing some few circumstances, to enable you to judge by what means so fortunate and important an event has been accomplished.

My letter to you of the 1st November last, though written at the commencement of my career in Wynad, would have raised your hopes to expect further success. The seizure of Tallakal Chundoo , though a Courchan was an event which excited the greatest consternation amongst those in rebellion, for such was the consequence of this person that Yadachana Cooggan is said to have declared, that he had lost his right arm. Your injunctions on this occasion were received, and accordingly in the course of a few days the orders were out for a general movement and alteration in the disposition of our military force in Wynad. Having obtained this so essential point, I deemed it advisable durng the interval that must unavoidably elapse before these arrangements could be carried into effect, to make a tour of the district, that I might be the better enabled to form some certain judgement of the real disposition of the community, and how far I could rely upon them for that co-operation which as liege subjects it was their duty to have afforded me. Throughout the northern and western parts of the district, I found the sentiment in our favour, at the same time a considerable disinclination to afford the smallest information of the Pyche Rajah or his partisans. This I attribute to the dread which the numerous examples of assassination by the rebels of those who had come forward could not fail of inspiring, which, not withstanding all our efforts to oppose, they constantly kept alive by small and numerous roving partisans, who had spread themselves all over the country. In many, however, I evidently saw a strong inclination to favour the rebel leaders, in particular Yadachan Coongan, who, with his rebel relations wisely had taken the opportunity, while the Wynad was in exclusive possession of the Pyche Rajah, to connect themselves with principal families in Wynad, who thereby became interested for them, but in all classes, I observed a decided interest for the Pyche Rajah, towards whom the inhabitants entertained a regard and respect bordering on veneration, which not even his death can efface.

The conduct to be observed towards the most doubtful of those characters it was not difficult to determine on. Something decisive was absolutely necessary; there was no security while they were living on their estates, and I found no other alternative left me than that of sending out of the district such of those against whom my suspicions were strongest, a determination which, while it was calculated to cut off the rebels from deriving any further support from such able allies, also would have the effect of warning others against imitating their example.

Having fully conveyed to the inhabitants of the northern and western divisions a full idea of the line of conduct I intended to adopt towards them, I proceeded to fill up all the vacant revenue appointments in order to give due effect to my measures. Written instructions were drawn out for the conduct of these native servants, throughout which I enjoyed the most conciliatory conduct, and having concluded my arrangements I proceeded to the Southern Hobelies of Parameetil.

In this division of the country, affairs wore a different aspect. Here was no security to be placed in the inhabitants, the most wealthy and numerous of whom were the Chetties and Goundas. – a vile servile race of mortals, who are strangers to every honest sentiment, and whom nothing but one uniform system of severity ever will prevent from the commission of every species of deceit and treachery.
Although the whole of these had presented themselves at the cutcherry, they had done so from no other impulse than a dread of the consequences of absenting themselves, nether did they thereby throw off their connections with the rebels, for it is notorious that the whole rebel confederacy, with the exception of Coongan’s party, were Parakametal and were being supported and secreted by these very Chetties , after they had received cowle . I am fully persuaded also from what transpired in the course of my investigation, that the majority of these Chetties did not present themselves to the cutcherry until they had previously obtained the permission of the Pyche Rajah and Palora Jamen, conduct that will be easily accounted for when it is recollected that the Rajah’s whole reliance for subsistence and information rested in these people. The Soodra or Nair part of the community were more to be depended upon; there was an honest frankness about them which you could not but admire, and which is a surety that in proportion to our increasing influence, these people will prove themselves worthy of the confidence of Government. The Kooramars, a numerous race of bowmen, by far the most rude of all the Wynadians, had to a man deserted their habitations and estates and betaken themselves to the strongest parts of the country, where they had removed their families and were dragging on a miserable existence, labouring under the dreadful impression that it was the intention of our Government to extirpate their whole race.


Continues in part 2 here.

Copyright Nick Balmer May 2007

A brief history of the Pazhassi Raja.

A Nair grave monument showing one of these fierce warriors, and dated about 1700 AD. [1]

Part 1

When the Pazhassi Raja finally decided to break with his English allies during the spring of 1797, it followed many years of conflict and encroachment into his and his family’s lands and entitlements by the East India Company.

Before about 1680, the Kolattiri family had controlled an area running inland from a point on the coast situated about twelve miles north of Cannanore [Kannur] and then in a line across heading in an easterly direction towards the base of the Ghats. Their inland territorial boundary had then run south along the base of the Ghats down to a point just north of the Kotta River, and from there along the northern bank back towards the coast.

Arab and Muslim traders had been visiting his ancestors coastal villages regularly for centuries, but these landings had tended to last for only a short duration whilst these overseas traders had bargained for pepper, cardoman and sandal wood.

The first European’s to arrive had been the Portuguese who were then followed by the Dutch. Although these traders had settled at Cannanore and had had posts at Calicut, they had not thought the Kottayam area important enough for carrying on these trades to have set up permanent trading posts or to have established permanent settlements in.

With the arrival of the French in the 1690’s this had all changed.

The Raja’s grandparents and great grandparents had been part of a divided family. Nominally headed by a matriarch, the real power was however wielded by the five senior men in the family. The Kolattiri had been the most senior, with the Tekkalankar (or southern regent) controlling the Mahe area, and the Vadakkalankur (the northern regent). These petty rajahs behaved like many modern day politicians constantly jockeying for power with their fellow rulers. They each had their own gangs of thugs and supporters, with whom they enforced their will on the local villagers.

To add strength to their cause during these power struggles, they had each individually begun to invoke the support of the powerful new arrivals along the coast. The Tekkalankar was one of first to do so, agreeing to a French request to be allowed to establish trading posts in his area.

The French built forts during the 1670 to 1685 period at Mahé, on Dharmapattanam Island, as well as a mud fort, sited on the beach located at a small fishing village that was later to become Tellicherry.

Due to lack of skilled staff, and because of its emphasis on building forts, they expended all of their trading capital, causing the French East India Company to be a poor trading partner. They had too high an overheads to be able to make a profit, and consequently the French company struggled to prosper and to extend its operations in India in the early years. Only the settlement at Mahé really succeeded to any great extent. This settlement was located in the Vadakkalankar’s territory, and he was the Tekkalankar biggest rival.

The English East India Company operated in a more commercial manner than the French in the early years, avoiding defended settlements with their expensive walls, whenever possible and garrisons that soon ate up any profits made.

The English had factories (warehouses linked to accommodation blocks) at Calicut, Cochin, and Anjengo, but faced with rapidly growing demand for pepper caused by the economic boom of the 1690’s to 1710 in northern Europe, they needed more and more supplies of pepper and spices, if they were to meet demand.

They could no longer afford to let the French gain unfettered control of the Kottayam pepper crop, and the valuable cardoman coming from the inland area of the Wyanad coming down the Periya Pass . Sandalwood from Mysore, was also reaching the coast from across the Wyanad.

The Tekkalankar had found the French poor allies, and needing a counter force to equal the Vadakkalankar’s French allies, he switched his allegiance to the English.

He reached agreement with the English and in about 1699 leased the site of the abandoned Tellicherry fort to the English. It was not however until about 1705 that the English started to built a fort on the site of the current fort.On the 20^th of August 1708, the Tekkalankar formally made over the fort to the English.

Over the following years the demand for pepper and other goods grew exponentially.

This caused huge tensions inside the existing Kolattiri family, as they fought amongst themselves over who should control the trade and the associated revenues.

The family’s retainers and attendant dependant castes were expected to adapt their cultivation to provide more and more cash crop pepper. This agrarian society with its strict caste system, and entrenched custom’s and practise based on subsidence farming, could not readily adapt to large scale agricultural practise required to meet demand. The trade and prosperity brought about by the protection of the English fort and ships increasingly attracted in large numbers of Muslim traders from the north.

The English East India Company officials received very low pay, and were expected to take part in their own country trade, to supplement their pay.

They were not allowed to ship directly to Europe, but the EIC did not mind them trading between different Indian and Asia ports.

Lacking the necessary capital and language skills to trade directly with Indian's, these officials allied themselves to Muslim’s from the north from Surat and Bombay.

In this way the Muslim’s benefited from English protection, as the Muslim merchants goods became “English”, thereby escaping many internal tolls.

The savings in tolls achieved were split with the English partner. In this way many EIC officials amassed a fortune far above their nominal salaries.

By about 1760, these Mopillas had become firmly established in Tellicherry as middlemen. They were establishing plantations and villages of their own.

They had discovered that there was an excellent way to force out the less well organised the Hindu farmers from their pepper gardens. These farmers would run short of cash for basic items like food in the run up to the pepper harvest.

The Mopilla merchants would lend these farmers cash based on the predicted forward price of the coming harvest’s pepper. If the money were not repaid, they would convert the outstanding amount into a mortgage on the Hindu’s land.

When that was in turn defaulted on, they would attempt to seize the lands.

In this way the Mopilla’s acquired more and more land beyond the boundary of the English settlement, and up towards the foothills of the Ghats.

The ousted destitute Hindu farmers would then appeal to their overlord or Rajah for support.

The Hindu’s lived in thinly scattered plantations, whilst the incoming Muslim’s built villages and especially Mosques.

These incoming Muslims were often aggressive and militant in their own right, and soon began to demand extra territorial rights.

This led to a series of wars, the overt ones between the Raja’s Nairs against the EIC, and a far more vicious low intensity conflict between the Moppilas and the Hindu Tiyars and Nairs in the villages in the fringes of the Jungles and plantations a few miles inland of the European settlements.

The Dutch, French, Ali Raja of Cannanore and Canarese all intervened in these conflicts, sometimes aiding one side and then another, and often trying to stop the wars because it meant that the pepper supplies often dried up.

In 1761 the Mysore Government also became involved in the dispute that had broken out between their co-regionists, and the Kolattiri Regent over a mosque built with a golden spire.

This golden roof was in contravention of a custom whereby only the Raja’s were allowed such roofs on pagodas. By 1766 the Kolattiri family’s possessions had been overrun.

Hyder Ali reduced them to vassals.

The European’s became involved in these wars, as first the Dutch, then the French and finally the English became intervened. In 1782 Tipu Sultan succeeded Hyder Ali.

Tipu was a very effective leader and a great reformer, and he intended to challenge the growing dominance of the English. He recognised that India had to reform many of its practises and industrial and agricultural methods if it were to develop to a point where it could beat off the European's.

As the French Revolutionary War’s commenced, the English were able to extinguish the other European powers factories one by one.

The Indian commodity producers now only had one customer, and this enabled the EIC to force the price paid to producers lower and lower in the confident knowledge that the farmer’s had no where else to sell their crops to.

Tipu understood the seriousness of the situation and aimed to break the EIC stranglehold on the Indian overseas trading routes.

Like Hyder Ali, he also understood that he needed to establish a viable route to the sea, and to do so he needed technical assistance, and alternative markets.

He first tried to force a route down to the Coromandel Coast, but in this he was unsuccessful, so he turned his attention towards the Malabar Coast and it's ports.

These routes had however to be captured from both the local Rajah's whose lands sat across the tracks down the Ghats to the coast, as well as from the European's who controlled the ports themselves.

A series of campaigns followed with attacks on Mangalore proving successful after a fierce siege.

Tipu needed support if he was to remain successful so he sent emissaries to the French at Isle De France, and to the Ottoman and Egyptian courts.

By doing this Tipu demonstrated to the British East Company that he represented a very real threat, and probably the only remaining credible threat to the EIC remaining in India.

This multinational company was expected by its shareholders to return a profit, but the constant wars were eating up any margin made on the trade.

The prices paid on pepper etc. had to be forced down if they were maintain a sufficient margin to be able to pay for these wars. Prices had to be maintained in Europe as well, and most pepper in Europe by now was travelling through London.

Competition had to be stifled if dividends were to be maintained.

The Director’s in London knew they had to destroy Tipu’s country before it became powerful enough to challenge their growing monopoly position.

It was the misfortune of the Pazhassi Raja that he and his subjects lived on the only alternative trade route from Tipu's Seringapatam to a coast.

When Tipu invaded the Wayanad and then the Malabar Coast, the English initially lacked the power to fight Tipu directly, and therefore sort to fight him asymmetrically by using local allies and by relying on the traditional defence of the peoples of the Malabar coast against the Mysorean’s and the other largely Muslim dominated inland people’s.

This defence was the forests of the Wyanad, and the Western Ghats. The monsoon and the rain shadow effect produced dense forests, ill suited to the cavalry dominated Muslim led armies. The Pazhassi Raja and his Hindu allies were ideally placed to fight a guerilla war of stockades, ambushes and forest warfare.

For previous generations, this had worked, for even if the armies of Hyder Ali had reached the coast, they could not remain there indefinitely due to their long supply chain, and the insurgent attacks on their posts and supply convoys in the rear.

Where Tipu differed from previous Muslim rulers was in his determination and ability to innovate. Learning lessons from the failure of his and Hyder Ali's previous campaign’s and learning from European advisers and deserters, he set out to build supply and gun roads across the forests, supported by a series of fortified posts like that at Sultan Battery. (The Sultan’s gun position).

By 1790 the situation for both the English and the local Malabar rulers had become critical. Tipu’s troops were raiding right up to the bounds of the settlements. Reinforcements were shipped down the coast and General Medows was appointed commander in chief.

Tipu’s rocketeers and cannon out gunned the Pazhassi Raja and the other Hindu’s.

Soon Tipu’s army, aided by intelligence from the indigenous and immigrant Moppila community was hanging Christian’s in Calicut, and slaughtering thousand’s of Hindu’s and brutally defiling many others. Hindu women were being gang raped and turned over as concubines to the Muslim troops.

On the April 25^th 1790 the English moved columns out of Tellicherry with cannon insupport of 3,000 Kottayam and Chirakkal Nairs. This force almost certainly included the Pazhassi Raja. Their target was the recovery of the stockade at Katirur and the Kottayam Raja’s Palace.

This palace was liberated with the assistance of a hurriedly brought up 18 pounder cannon used to smash down the stockade, where the lighter guns had tried and failed.

Throughout the following months leading up to the monsoon, the local armies increasingly supported by the East India Company took back town after town.

Tipu’s fort at Palghat was besieged by Colonel Stuart commencing on the 21^st of September.

With only two days provisions and an empty military chest, Stuart and his army was in a desperate condition. However the Nairs and others in the Malabar community realising that Stuart represented their best hope of ridding themselves of Tipu’s by now hated army brought in so much food that Stuart was able to capture the fort, and to leave its new garrison supplied for six months.

Tipu’s army was over stretched, and the East India Company was mobilising its Madras based forces, to the east of Seringapatam. He had to withdraw.

In February 1791 Lord Cornwallis led his army out from Vellore to Seringapatam.

Tipu was on the point of being defeated, when the EIC armies supply chain failed.

Cornwallis had to retreat, destroying his guns as he went.

When however Cornwallis and the Madras Army made a further attempt on Seringapatam in February 1792. Tipu submitted, rather than face defeat; he agreed to sign a treaty.

At this point the Pazhassi Raja along with the other Malabar local rulers had assumed that the English would return to their coastal bases, and that the situation would return to it’s previous state. The Raja hoped as the dominant new leader would become the Kolattiri and reap the rewards of power.

What he had not understood was that the East India Company was a multinational company, albeit one with a powerful government shareholder. It had to yield a dividend, and it had just expended a huge sum on driving out Tipu.

The Raja was just one of many petty rulers whose territory they had liberated.

The treaty with Tipu had handed over many of these rights to the East India Company. The EIC did not see why they should abandon these rights and lands that they believed they were entitled to by right of conquest.

Like a modern day oil company, whose oilfields have been the scene of war, and had to get oil back flowing again, the EIC had to get the pepper crop going again in this devastated land as fast as possible if it was going to recoup its wartime expenditure.

Due to the structure of the Raja’s community’s society, and the rigid caste system, it was impossible for the Raja to restore and re-develop the pepper plantations sufficiently fast, to meet demand. Only part of this Hindu population would consent to farming, whilst most would refuse for fear of losing their caste.

The EIC had obtained the rights to large areas of land in the treaty with Tipu including the Rangatarra district. This area had been the home territory of the Vadakkalankur (the northern regent). The Kurumbrand Raja was the Kolattiri, or most senior Raja. The Pazhassi Raja was his nephew, and under the complex traditions of the family, the person who was most likely to inherit the Kurumbrand lands.

The Pazhassi Raja may well have been trying to supersede the Kurumbrand Raja, who appears to have been disposed to pass the land on to his own children, in contravention of the customary practise.

The Kurumbrand Raja on more than one occasion seems to have gone out of his way to create conflict between the Pazhassi Raja and the EIC. The East India Company determined to get production up and going again, decided that their Muslim partners, with their more egalitarian society, and greater available working population, and access to capital, should be the means of increasing production.

Soon traders like the Mousa family began to take on more and more of the farms. This caused the Rajah and his increasingly marginalised community to greatlyresent both the EIC and the Mopillas. Soon reprisals commenced.

The Rajah used increasingly brutal ways to try to collect taxes from the Moppillas, and many of the later took to the forests on the foothills of the Ghats operating as bandits.

Kerala Varma Raja was by April 1793, Raja of the Padinyaru Kovilakam (or western palace).This was located at Palassi.

During this month he pulled down a Mopilla mosque recently built in Kottayam bazaar, and in September 1793, he went on to refuse the Mopillas of Kodolli permission to build a mosque.

When they went ahead anyway, he sent men to arrest the leaders. A fight broke out in which several of the Raja’s men were killed. The Raja in turn ordered all of the Mopillas in Kodolli killed.

A Commission had been appointed by the East India Company to try to administer the newly occupied lands. At first it tolerated the Raja, probably because of the fear of alienating him and his community.

They were aware that Tipu was preparing for another round of fighting, and did not wish to alienate the Hindu’s. The Pazhassi Raja was also connected by marriage to the Wyanad families who controlled the best of the pepper production.

The Pazhassi Raja realised that his only viable means of resisting the English was by passive measures. He was worried that the English were trying to arrest him, and so he refused to go to Tellicherry for talks.

In November 1793 he threatened to cut down all of his pepper vines if the EIC officials persisted in trying to count them.

Because the Kurumbrand Raja was more tractable, than the Pazhassi Raja, the EIC entered into agreements with the Kurumbrand Raja and ignored the claims of the Pazhassi Raja.

This proved to be a mistake because the Pazhassi Raja was in fact the younger and more able of the two. He was the emerging leader. By 1795 the Raja was being increasingly supported by people like Narangoli, a Iruvalinad Nambiar of the priestly caste, whose men had killed three Mopillas is response to a killing by a Mopilla of one of his retainers.

In June 1795 the Raja caused two Mopillas who had robbed the house of a Chetty to be impaled alive in the village of Venkad. Later that month he also shot a Mopilla through the body as he left a meeting where he had given the Raja a gift.

The EIC Commissioners finally felt that they had to act, and in August 1795, they issued orders for the Pazhassi Raja to be tried for murder.

Guarded by 500 Wyanad warriors, the Raja was too difficult to arrest, and despite troops sent to Kottayam and Manattana, he could not be seized.

Meanwhile the revenues that the East India Company had expected to raise were not coming in. The Kurumbrand Raja who had undertaken to collect them in return for a percentage, was unable to do so.

Tipu’s original assessment, which was being used, had proved to be far too high. The collections themselves were further alienating important sections of the community like the warrior Nairs, who had not previously been expected to pay tax.

The Pazhassi Raja acted as a focus to this opposition.

On April the 11^th 1796 a plan was formed to arrest the Raja.

On the 19^th of April this was put into effect when 300 men from the 3^rd Battalion of Native Infantry under Lieutenant James Gordon marched out from Tellicherry to arrest him. By chance, or possibly because he had been forewarned, the Raja had left for Manattana four days earlier.

The Raja no longer felt safe on the coastal plain so he moved into the fastness of the Wyanad.

[1] East Hill Museum, Calicut.

To be continued…. Nick Balmer 29^th December 2006. Revised October 2009.