Straw Hats, ghostly links with the past ?

Tellicherry Fort at Nightfall

Dusk arrives with startlingly suddenness in India. If like me, you come from northern latitudes, this rapid transition into darkness can easily catch one unawares.

We had had such an interesting day with Mr. Haris, that I had lost all track of time, and we had left ourselves with almost no time in which to visit the fort or its surroundings.

Setting off in haste, we had rushed around the fort, racing against the sun as it sank rapidly below the horizon. At one point we had even descended into the inky black dungeons and storerooms under the bastions with the aid of candle light, provided by the extremely helpful and kind workmen engaged in restoring the fort.

We had barely escaped being locked in for the night by the watchmen, as they departed for their homes.

The descent into those atmospheric dungeons had been a spooky and thought provoking experience. Knowing as I did, that they must have often contained men jailed quite probably by Thomas Baber, a magistrate and judge, in the courtroom that had be situated on the ground floor the largest building at the centre of the fort.

Leaving as we thought, any ghosts safely behind, we had turned out of the gate for a quick look along the shore.

For directly below and outside the walls of the fort, is the beach across which the fishermen have brought their catch for several hundred years.

This fishing community has been here from the earliest days. In the 1730's the fishermen are recorded bringing scarce firewood to the fort from Mt. Dili, and dying from epidemics in their huts just outside the walls.

It is a scene that can have changed little since the years between 1797 and 1817 when for much of the time Thomas Baber and his family had lived in quarters in the fort.

It was then that emerging out of the dark, that I almost literally thought that I had indeed seen a ghost!




Fish porters or Moekhurs or Muckwahs wearing straw hats

For standing amongst the fishermen were several men in straw hats who looked just as if they had stepped straight out of one of the illustrations in James Welsh's Military Reminiscences.

They were wearing identical hats to those worn by the men in these illustrations, and that James & Thomas had hired to carry their palanquins or to propel their canoes, when travelling from place to place.



Illustration taken from James Welsh's book showing Welsh travelling in Karanakera Menon's private boat to Ramnaad in 1817

In his book Welsh describes the boat. He writes "The accompanying sketch of this canoe, gives the costume of all the fishermen on the Malabar coast."[1]

Most of the men in the current market were either bareheaded, or more often wore a simple turban, as shown in the following photo.



Modern Tellicherry fishermen wearing turbans [2]

Thomas Baber and the other officials had used the ancestors of these men to carry them around the settlement in their Tellicherry chairs. Welsh provides the following delightful illustration of one of these chairs in action.



A Tellicherry Chair, circa 1812

Welsh describes these chairs as follows, and again mentions that the bearers were fishermen.

"A large arm-chair, so made as to have a square frame over the head, is placed on an oblong platform, projecting about two feet in front, to form a foot-board ; and from the front of this platform, two upright supports are carried to the frame above, over which is fixed an enormous mat umbrella, without a handle; and to finish the concern, two thick bamboos, about seven feet long, are attached horizontally on either side of the seat, for the purpose of carrying. The rider of this veritable bone-setter gets in by the front. The moekhurs, or muckwahs, as they are generally called by Europeans, being the fishermen of this coast, are the bearers; and four of them in regular service, will carry a person about the station, and do other little jobs besides. They carry on their shoulders, and, inchanging with a preconcerted signal, they lift the chair over their heads, and bring it down with a sudden jerk on the opposite shoulder, the most unpleasant and sea-sickening motion I ever experienced ; and if one of them stumble in going over stony or rough ground, the rider may get a fall, easier imagined than described."[3]

To see men in turban's had not surprised me in the least, as these are widely worn by nearly every local inhabitant, but the straw hats had. There appeared to be two types of straw hats used by the porters. One was shaped not unlike an upturned fruit basket, with a slightly conical form, with a very wide brimmed, similar to those worn in South East Asia, and a taller straw one, with a much more European feel to its profile.

These hats set me thinking. Where had they come from?

What had been their origin?

The wider brimmed one shown worn by the paddlers in Menon's canoe, appeared to have been inspired by Chinese designs. This must surely be an example of the China straw hat, described by Welsh as it looks so similar in design to a Chinese hat.

The Chinese had been present on the Malabar Coast in the period leading up to the 1430's, and had left a permanent legacy in the form of the Chinese nets at Cochin.

Why not their hats as well?

Welsh gives us a tantalising description of a potentially very nasty accident he had suffered in 1812, in which he had been saved by one of these hats. This had occurred whilst he was hunting in Coorg shortly after he had left the Tellicherry area.

He had been out hunting, when he fell into a vast concealed trap.

"I was precipitated forward, till my head reached the bottom of an elephant pit, twelve feet long, seven wide, and twelve deep. This trap had been covered over with a kind of bamboo mat, strewed with sand, to resemble the rest of the ground ; and so great was the impetus by which I was driven at the moment, that I not only pitched on my head ten feet forward, but also carried the whole of the roof along with me. I need scarcely observe, that in such a fall, the ground must have been very soft, to admit of my living to tell the tale : with a China straw hat, and luckily two handkerchiefs in it, my head was literally buried in the ground, and my double barrelled gun broken in my right hand, the stock giving way at the bend. So unexpected and unusual an adventure, left me a few seconds in doubt whether I was dead or alive; but extricating my head from the mud and sitting up, I found myself sound,..."[4]

Perhaps he had been so taken by these hats, that he had bought one from the fishermen.

These China hats are very practical for fish porters when you consider their daily task, which is bringing the fresh catch up the beach to the market, as it protects their bodies from slime and blood running down from the baskets which are carried on their heads.

The other taller pattern hat shown being worn by the Englishman in the chair, and by the three men in the modern photograph taken in the market, has a very distinctive cross section, and one quite unlike most other straw hats.

It is however almost identical to the straw hats issued to British soldiers, sailors and marines serving in the West Indies during the 1780's and 1790's.

During the 1790's the West Indies had been a major theatre of war. Many, if not all of the Royal Navies ships had passed through the Caribbean, including many that went on to visit India. With the ready availability of palm fronds, and a hot and humid climate similar to that experienced in West Indies, it would not be at all surprising if the veteran soldiers and sailors arriving on the Malabar Coast had not introduced the fashion for straw hats to Tellicherry.

As can be seen from the following illustration, the tall crown and relatively narrow brim was already fashionable in sailor's hats at this period, even before these men reached the tropics.

By halfway through the Napoleonic wars the sailors' formal hat - if he had one - was made either of leather or japanned canvas. Otherwise headgear varied between a simple cloth, often tied to keep sweat out of the eyes, to the straw hat, particularly affected by those who had been to the West Indies.[5]

[6]

With long periods of time when the sea was unsuitable for fishing during the monsoon, or whilst waiting for the boats to return, many fishermen and porters, must have presumably welcomed work for the English carrying palanquins or paddling canoes to towns along the coast or up adjacent rivers.

Did some of them adopt the tall straw hats worn by these British officials?

Are the men in the photos the modern descendants of these 19th century bearers?

Sepoys in the early days of the East India Company were frequently former mixed race off spring. These men often liked to demonstrate their difference from native born sepoys by wearing hats. They were called Topass or Topasses,[7] which means "men with hats", as distinct from the rest who wore turbans.

Are these men part descended from the Portuguese community in Tellicherry?

Over time, as the 18th Century elapsed, and as English recruits became more easily available, the Topasses were slowly disbanded and replaced.

Did they turn to fishing?

Francis Buchanan who visited Tellicherry in 1800 recorded that 438 households out of 4481 households in the town were of Portuguese descent.

How I wish that I had had the language skills to ask these men their story. For it is quite probably a fascinating one; and one with a heritage that is quite possibly linked to mine.


[1] James Welsh, Military Reminiscences, published 1830, Volume II. page 85.
[2] Photo by Gianna Vasca 2007. http://www.panoramio.com/photo/4137030
[3] James Welsh, vol II, pages 39 & 40.
[4] James Welsh, vol II, pages 45 & 46.
[5] See http://www.defence.gov.au/news/NAVYNEWS/EDITIONS/2001/03_19_01/STORY17.HTM
[6] Ibid.
[7] "TOPASS , &c., s. A name used in the 17th and 18th centuries for dark-skinned or half-caste claimants of Portuguese descent, and Christian profession. Its application is generally, though not universally, to soldiers of this class, and it is possible that it was originally a corruption."
or

2. TOPAZ, TOPASS: (page 934)

MADRAS.] 1673.-- "To the Fort then belonged 300 English, and 400 Topazes, or Portugal Fire<-> men."-- Fryer, 66. In his glossarial Index he gives "Topazes, Musketeers." 1680.-- "It is resolved and ordered to entertain about 100 Topasses, or Black Portuguese, into pay."-- In Wheeler, i. 121. 1686.-- "It is resolved, as soon as English soldiers can be provided sufficient for the garrison, that all Topasses be disbanded, and no more entertained, since there is little dependence on them."-From Hobson Jobson. See http://dsal.uchicago.edu/dictionaries/hobsonjobson/

Caranakera Menoen's Palanquin

Caranakera Menoen's Palanquin in 2004

On our way back from Thalaserry to Kochi our ever helpful hosts had arranged that I should meet Professor M.G.S. Narayanan, a renowned local Kozhikode historian. Professor Narayanan had formerly been Head of the Social Sciences and Humanities Department at Calicut University.

Prema Jayakumar, a direct descendant of Menon,[2] had previously told me that her ancestor's palanquin was preserved at the university History Department, and that it was in a store room.

Because of the difficult cramped nature of the storeroom, the carrying arms had already been cut off, and the palanquin was deteriorating fast. It had not been at all easy for Prema to get good photos in the restricted light, but the ones she had sent me clearly showed that it had been an official gift from the East India Company to Menoen.

An inscription giving details of the award of the palanquin.

On one of the doors, the coat of arms of the East India Company could clearly be seen.

East India Company Coat of Arms

At the university we were met by Professor K.N. Ganesh the current Head of the History Department, a most courteous and interesting man to talk to. I could have quite easily have spent the whole day discussing the period with him.

When the time eventually came for us to visit the palanquin, I quickly sensed that all was not well. Eventually I was taken to the head of the stairs in a second floor corridor, and there in the corridor stood the shattered palanquin.

It was explained to me that high spirited students had jumped on top of, or had otherwise smashed the palanquin during the previous months. The university was trying to find a way of fixing the palanquin, but that they lacked the necessary funds.

The Palanquin in December 2006.

It was quite clear that the palaquin although badly broken, was not beyond repair, as it had largely come apart along the joints.

I took the following series of photos in order to try to record its construction.

One of the sawn off carrying poles can be seen on the floor

The following photo, shows the interior of one of the two end bulkheads, with a metral reinforcement that carried the weight from the bottom of the box into the carrying pole.

Interior of carrying compartment

Roof of compartment, tilted upwards

The roof of the compartment, is the left hand or "upright" panel.

One of four steel reinforced feet or legs to keep the palanquin off the ground,
when put down by the bearers


Longtitudinal view of palanquin.

At the time, it was hard to know what to feel about the sad end of this palanquin, as I felt powerless to be able to do anything about its restoration. In the following days I had discussions with a number of people to see if we could come up with a rescue package.

Part of this would require researching the history of the palanquin, which is what I did on my return to Britain.

There is a strong tradition in Kerala that the palanquin was awarded to Menoen for his part in the killing of the Pazhassi or Pyche Rajah. In fact records of the correspondance clearly shows that the palanquin was awarded to him for his part in putting down the 1812 revolt in the Wayanad.

The details of the award were given in a letter dated 5th March 1813.

Extract Judicial Letter from Fort St George Dated 5th March 1813.

Para 33. In paragraph 273 of our letter from the Military Department under the date the 17th of December 181 we informed your Honourable Court that a disturbance in Wynaad which derived importance rather from the recollection of former rebellions in that district than from the number and consequence of the persons engaged in it had been immediately and completely suppressed by the exertions of the Magistrate Mr Baber and the Troops employed on the occasion.
Para 34. On reference to the proceedings noted in the margin your honourable Court will observe a report from the Magistrate which affords proof of the exertions used by him and the Natives on that occasion, and we had great satisfaction in bestowing a Palankeen with the usual allowance upon Kulpilly Kareencona Menon the Native Registrar of the Zillah Court.
We shall communicate the result of the trials of the persons apprehended and committed on account of their being concerned in that disturbance. [1]

At the time I was hoping to return to Malabar in late 2007 or 2008, and to try to see if it would be possible to get the palanquin repaired, and perhaps moved to somewhere like the Pazhassi Rajah Museum at East Hill, which already has a very fine Indian palanquin.

Other events have since intervened to delay my return.

Image my distress when today, I have received a note from my friend Manmadhan Ullattil drawing my attention to a blog published in April 2008. This blog by Chekkutty N Pudussery says that:

"Ironically, even as the people of the region were celebrating the memories of their folk hero, the authorities at Calicut University, the premier centre for higher education in the region, were busy inquiring into the mysterious circumstances in which a historic artefact, intimately connected with the history of Pazhassi Raja, has been missing from its museum. A beautifully carved palanquin, donated by the East India Company to one of its officers who helped hunt the Pazhassi Raja, kept in the museum of the University's history department, was later recovered from a nearby bush."

The full article can be read at
http://chespeak.blogspot.com/2008/04/pazhassi-raja-and-missing-palanquin.html

I wonder if the university authorities were so embarrassed that the palanquin had been allowed to become so badly damaged, that they threw it away. Or if the broken timbers were simply thrown away in a spring cleaning exercise, by staff with little or no interest in the history behind this 195 year old artifact.

If Mr. Pudussery is correct and the palanquin has been stolen, I would urge whoever has it to return it to the university.

[1] British Library, OIOC IOR /F/4/406 (10136) folio 3.
[2] See http://malabardays.blogspot.com/2007/01/day-three-14th-december-2006-interview.html

Capt. David Price's Account of the Battle of the Periah Pass. 18th of March 1797.

Battle of the Periah Pass. 18th of March 1797.

The following account by Captn. David Price of the 7th Bombay Native Infantry of the expedition from Calicut up the ghats and into the Wayanad, gives a particular livid account of what fighting against the insurgents under the Pazhassi Rajah was like to take part in.

This operation led by Lieut. Col. Dow, was intended to bring the force back down into the coastal plain behind the forces that the Rajah had drawn up in his territory. The Rajah's forces had been successfully withstanding previous attempts to force him back out of his ancestral lands, immediately inland of Tellicherry.

Price had travelled to Tellicherry in order to recuperate after having lost a leg at the siege of Dharwar. Tellicherry was seen at that time as being a particularly healthy place. He arrived to find the rebellion by the Pyche Rajah had flaired up, and that Lt. Col. Dow needed a staff office, so despite stilling needing to use crutches Price joined the column.

As the following extract explains, he was soon in fear of his life, and fleeing down the ghats.

About the period at which we are now arrived, I think it must have been late in the month of December, of the year 1797, I had received an invitation from Gen. Bowles, to pass a short time with him in Malabar; in which province he held the military command. As the voyage at that season of the year was equally pleasant and short, I did not hesitate to avail myself of this invitation; and I was received by my respected old friend at Tillicherry with his usual kindness and hospitality. He resided at the time in the same cadjan bunglah, on the fort side of Cuddowly-hill, where we had formerly so often partaken of the elegant and splendid hospitalities of Capt. (afterwards Gen.) Gore's table.
It happened at the time, that we were in the very crisis of the jungle war, with our refractory tributary Kerula Verma, the Pyché Rajah; who in the bosom of his forest retreats, seemed to bid defiance to all the efforts of regular warfare. His house or palace at Pycheh had some time since been stormed and pillaged; but his submission appeared as distant as ever; and a division of native troops was stationed for the present at Cotapoorambah; 6 or 8 miles within land, or to the eastward of Tillicherry.

Unfortunately, although I was personally unknown to him Col. Dow ,who was the military commissioner joined to those entrusted with the general superintendance of the province of Malabar, proposed to me to act as his secretary, with a detachment then in preparation, at his suggestion, to operate as a separate column in the rear of the Cotiote district. Although the scheme of a jungle campaign presented nothing very captivating to a man who in case of extremity, must trust to his crutches, I did not think myself at liberty to decline the risk; and I acceded to the proposal.
My first confidential conference furnished me, however, with an instance of mental abstraction, of which I could have formed but a very imperfect conception; and I experienced a pretty strong foretaste of what I had undertaken. I found that, with very imperfect information on the subject, I was expected to draw up a plan for the execution of the design in agitation; and it was only by vexatious questioning, that I gradually elicited from the Colonel, such hints as enabled me to commit to paper sundry paragraphs, recommending that an attack should be made on a post established immediately in the rear of the Cotiote; by marching a detachment into Wynaud; and further acting as circumstances should arise. And this, in the shape of a letter, was communicated to his brother commissioners at Mahé.

A native battalion, recently embodied and imperfectly disciplined, under Maj. Cameron, a gallant and distinguished soldier, together with some draughts from other corps ,was destined for this service, and there was attached to it a grasshopper mountain gun, of about 2 pound calibre. The corps might have amounted altogether to about 800 or 900 strong. In furtherance of the design the detachment marched to Calicut; while Col. Dow and myself proceeded by sea from Tillicherry, to join it. The prevailing difficulty was to procure, in as short a time as possible, a supply of rice for the consumption of ten days or a fortnight, and bullocks for its conveyance. The civil servant appointed to the charge, for some private reasons, declined to accompany our commissariat.

In 2 or 3 days, however, slenderly provided, the detachment marched towards the foot of the Tammercherry gauht; and in the second day's march, we ascended the pass without obstruction. The road up this gauht was sufficiently wide, and more than ordinarily well formed; but it was uniformly steep, the whole of the way.
We encamped in a confined and irregular glen, surrounded by hills, about half a mile to the eastward of the head of the gauht; and here we remained some days to complete the final arrangement for our proceedings; but more particularly, to obtain some further supply of provisions, as the district furnished nothing whatever: and here also it was, truth compels me to remark ,that Maj. Cameron exhibited the first symptoms of discontent; because instead of receiving one from the commanding officer, he was not allowed to frame an order of march of his own.

Having secured a further small supply of grain, and established a miniature mud post, near the head of the gauht for a guard of sepoys under Lieut. Waddington, our detachment was put in motion in advance; without having yet discovered any thing hostile; excepting a few apparently unarmed and naked stragglers, about the edge of the jungle, which covered the hills to the N.W. Our column pushed on for a short distance to the southward, to get round the foot of the hill, when turning to the left, or northward, we passed through some of the most pleasing woodland scenery I ever beheld. To guard against surprise, where we were in momentary expectation of attack, a section of every division was ordered to keep loaded. In the afternoon, still without having perceived a single human being, our own people excepted, although many houses occasionally along the skirts of the jungle, overlooking the cultivated openings, we finally encamped in one of those openings in two lines with our baggage in the center.

On the day following, we continued our march unmolested; but I have reason to think not quite unobserved; as the simply armed natives must have accompanied our movements under cover of the jungle on our flanks: more particularly of the impermeable hill forest to our left ,where they were unassailable to troops unwieldily armed like ours. On reaching a solitary bazaar, or angadi, of which I have forgotten the name, early in the afternoon, we again encamped. This was at the gorge of a spacious open valley, intermediate between the Cotiary gauht, and the Periacherrum, another smaller one at the very bottom of the valley.

On the third day we resumed our march, amidst the same description of scenery as had hitherto accompanied us; and which generally prevails, indeed, among the eastern recesses of the southern gauhts; until we came to another considerable opening, or cultivated flat, between the hill ranges; our entrance to which was rather inconveniently interrupted by a narrow, but deep and muddy water-course; which it occupied some time to cross. Here we encamped.

Our position at this moment was about 3 miles to the eastward of the Eliacherrum gauht, immediately at the back of the Cotiote district below. I am compelled to observe that, through Col. Dow's extraordinary abstraction of mind, we were frequently, during the march, by running perpetually at some distance ahead of the column, exposed to the utmost danger of being cut off, by any stragglers, that might find it convenient to make a dash at us.

Nevertheless, it might not be very difficult to account for this apparent disregard of personal danger, when it is understood that the Colonel entertained a secret notion, that the little Rajah, with whom he had been long personally acquainted, would somewhere or other on the march, have met him in a friendly way; and an accommodation thus peacefully effected, to which force had hitherto proved unavailable. Having, however, been disappointed in this benevolent expectation, it became next our object to establish a strong party, under a steady and devoted officer, at the head of the Cherrum. For this purpose Lieut. Burke of Cameron's battalion, was selected.

Next day, accordingly, the whole of the detachment marched to the head of the Cherrum, which I still think to have been the Eliacherrum. We reached the head of the pass without the least obstacle of any kind; and still without the least sight or vestige of an enemy. Our march lay through a continued jungle, of perhaps three miles; emerging from which, we entered another opening of considerable extent, skirted all round by the woods: the actual head of the pass being immediately on the opposite, or western, side of the opening. We chose for our party the edge of the jungle to the eastward; as offering the fairest chance of a successful retreat through the woods in the rear.

Having crossed the open ground to the head of the pass (which was completely covered in, by over-hanging forest trees) and made such arrangements as had been thought necessary, with regard to our devoted party, the detachment was then counter-marched on its return. But the rear files were scarcely disengaged from the opening of the pass, when we were not a little astonished by a sudden discharge of small arms, from among the trees which over-hung us; directed, however at the retreating column. Some of the shot struck the sepoy's cartridge-boxes without further mischief. The column faced about; and instantly all was as silent as the grave.

At the very moment the volley was given, Col. Dow and myself, with two or three orderlies, had remained, without the smallest suspicion of danger, at the opening of the pass; and resting on the top part of the miaunah palanquin, I was myself deeply engaged in writing a report of our proceedings to the commissioners at Mahé.

Providentially the enemy had not perceived us; otherwise this tale would never have been told. The spot from which the volley was fired, could not have been more than 30 or 40 feet above our heads; and if they had discovered us, there was not a possibility of our escape, as they could have taken aim and fired unseen. The note written here, was despatched from the spot by a confidential native; and was principally intended, after announcing the establishment of the post, under Lieut. Burke, to request that any further supplies might be forwarded up the river of Mahé, towards the recess in the gauhts, at the source of that river.
Although parties were instantly sent to scour the edge of the jungle all round, not a vestige of the enemy could be seen; and we soon afterwards marched back to our encampment, leaving Lieut. Burke with his company, to secure the post, as well as he could, by a stockade and abbatis.

The night passed in undisturbed and singular tranquillity, and morning came; when circumstances presented themselves to our notice, which certainly awakened some very startling speculations. On the summit of the hill-range, which flanked the valley in which we were encamped, on the south side, we observed numbers of people; many of whom appeared with the jacket uniforms of our faithful sepoys suspended from their shoulders. This unlooked-for spectacle naturally produced an apprehension, that something sinister must have occurred in our rear, to some of the parties, which were known to be coming to our support. One of these, under Capt. (now Gen.) Disney, had already joined us. A group of officers, including Col. Dow and myself,drew together towards the foot of the hill, in order, if possible, to ascertain the cause of this inauspicious display. Lieut. Nugent, the Adjutant of Cameron's corps, one of the party, inadvertently, and for which he was immediately reproved by Col. Dow waved his handkerchief ;and some of the strangers, considering this as a signal to approach, without hesitation descended the hill, three or four in number, and joined us.
One of these very differently attired from the Chermers, announced himself as the bearer of a communication from the officer in command of one of Tippoo Sultaun's posts, on the out-skirts of Wynaud towards Mysore; and forthwith presented a sealed note. We now adjourned to the Colonel's tent, for the purpose of perusing the unexpected despatch. The purport of the note, which was in Persian, went to express some surprise, on the part of the writer, at our entrance into Wynaud, as an unwarrantable invasion of a district dependant on the authority of his master, and demanding to be informed of the nature of our designs. To this a reply was immediately prepared under my instructions, as dictated by Col. Dow; disavowing any intention of encroaching on any part of the Sultaun's territory, with whom our government was desirous of cultivating the most amicable relations; and that our appearance in Wynaud had no other object in view than the reduction to his allegiance, of a refractory tributary.

The bearer of the note did not appear to be a person above the ordinary class; and his demeanor was singularly mild, and respectable; the word Boohddy, equivalent to Swaumy in the Carnatic, accompanying every sentence which he uttered. But one of those who accompanied him bore an aspect so ferocious, with whiskers up to his eyes, and a look of such malignity, that I could not avoid observing him with considerable suspicion particularly when he appeared to clutch the weapon in his belt, as if ready for any mischief. The weapon was rather an uncommon one, being formed of the pointed ends of antelope's horns, turned in opposite directions, and held by a joining in the middle, so as to strike right and left. There was something so menacing in the ruffian's demeanor, that I could not avoid casting my eyes upon our pistols which lay on the table before us. Whether he observed me or not, I cannot say; but I think it may have had some effect upon him. They received a trifle in money, and were dismissed.

A far more serious consideration was, however, now to claim our attention for on examining into the state of our provision-stores, we made the alarming discovery, that through some contingent losses during the march, our supply had diminished two days more than we had been led to calculate upon. To avoid, therefore, the alternative of perishing by famine, some decisive step became immediately necessary: and it was determined, to return without delay to the head of the pass; which afforded the nearest communication with the river of Mahé. It was, however, indispensible in the first place, to provide for the security of Lieut. Burke, and his party; whom, to abandon in a situation so exposed, at a distance from all support, would have been as unsoldier-like as it would be inhuman. It so happened, that the night before, in conformity with his instructions, Lieut. Burke, with a part of his small force, had descended to the very foot of the Cherrum in his front (the Eliacherrum) and came unexpectedly upon a party of the enemy; who instantly fled, and very probably, gave an alarm to the Rajah's troops, that the whole detachment was about to attack them in the rear. Burke thought that he would, therefore be permitted to retreat without molestation. At this moment we were, however, not apprized that the troops under Col. Anderson were either marching, or about to march, from Cotapoorambah for the Cotiary gauht.

In these circumstances a note was immediately dispatched to Lieut. Burke in which he was directed, on a concerted signal, which was the firing of our gun that night, instantly to withdraw from the post, and join the main body of the detachments. In the mean time, every arrangement was made preparatory to our retreat, Capt. Disney being appointed to command the rear-guard. In the course of the night--which was rather a sleepless one to most of us Capt. Budden, of Cameron's battalion, and myself, took occasion to visit an officer's piquet, advanced towards the foot of the hill on which the enemy had shewn themselves in such ominous guise in the morning. And to our equal surprise and dismay, when most others were awake, we found the officer, a young subaltern, fast asleep. It cannot be supposed that we greeted him very kindly, and I will venture to say that he slept no more that night.

About 3 in the morning, we fired our little gun, not only as a signal for Lieut. Burke's retreat but also as one of defiance to the enemy, whom we justly suspected to be lurking round us. Then immediately dismounting our grasshopper, we placed it in readiness to be conveyed across the deep and muddy water-course in our rear. Not many minutes were permitted to elapse, when a scattered fire of musketry was heard from the direction of Lieut. Burke's post, and our sensations at the moment may be easily conceived. The detachment was now under arms, and every thing disposed in readiness, for our retrograde movement, as soon as Burke's party should have joined us.

Under circumstances which were sufficiently appalling, our second in command, whose bravery was never called in question so far forgot himself ,as to repeat aloud more than once, in the presence and hearing of the officers, and men under arms—“ this will be a night of discomfiture and disgrace!” and more in sorrow than in anger, I addressed him in terms of strong expostulation, on the strange impropriety of employing such language, at a crisis when every thing was required to animate and to encourage the people. He seemed to take my remonstrance, as it was intended, in good part; for he made me no reply.

The firing continued at intervals during the whole three miles of Lieut. Burke's retreat; but in something less than an hour, the party effected their junction with us; rather, it is not to be denied, in a state of some consternation; some, I regret to say, having lost their turbans, and some even their muskets. They were evidently panic stricken, and it was therefore considered prudent to place them at the head of the column of retreat.

As further delay was inexpedient, the detachment moved in silence across the water-course, Capt. Disney covering the retreat; and the column had gained considerably on the march before day-light.

About an hour after sun-rise, I happened to be in the rear of the column; when, at an angle, where the road turned short to the right, or southward, several of the enemy suddenly made their appearance ,on a narrow spur which we had just crossed, and which was thrown out from the woody hill-range on our right. I desired some of the sepoys that were near me to fire at them; but although they were within 40 yards of us, by throwing themselves flat upon the earth the moment they saw the flash of the firing, they must have escaped unhurt. At all events they disappeared into the thick jungle, which covered the hill-range on the right of our line of march.

Our march was continued with little other molestation than that by which we were assailed from the same jungle covered hill, whence the enemy kept plying us with their bows and arrows from among the trees, where they were perfectly secure from dislodgement; and yelling at us the whole of the way, like so many hungry jackals. Many an arrow which had missed its aim was picked up and deposited in my miaunah, by poor Lieut. Nugent, the Adjutant of Cameron's battalion; a very gallant and promising young officer, whose untimely fate we had so shortly afterwards occasion to deplore. But it was rather surprising that we should have here experienced no other casualty than two or three sepoys slightly wounded. The retreat throughout was conducted in perfect order; and early in the afternoon near the solitary Angady, which we noticed in our advance ,and which had been since burnt down, we turned to the westward, down the broad valley looking in that direction from the Angady, and finally encamped where it terminates; immediately at the head of the Periacherrum pass.

We had, however, scarcely halted on our ground, when the enemy, who had probably moved on our right flank during the march, made their appearance many in number, at the edge of the jungle, high up the hill to the northward of us. We pushed our little gun up the acclivity, in order to keep them at a respectable distance; but after two or three discharges, we found the elevation too great; and the firing was discontinued, lest we might injure or dismount our only piece of artillery. The enemy did not then, however, offer us any further molestation.

It was now, that Col. Dow communicated to me his intention of quitting the detachment, and proceeding to the coast next morning. This, at the time, did certainly appear to me an extraordinary resolution; and I did not hesitate to tell him honestly that it would be so considered. His reply was –“that he deemed it indispensibly necessary, before he could enter upon any further proceeding, to consult his brother commissioners at Mahé; and that he must stand or fall by his correspondence.” I was myself not sorry to be relieved from a situation into which I had been inadvertently drawn; and yet I felt a jealous repugnance to leave the detachment at such a crisis. But I found that my commander's resolution was unalterable; and to urge any thing further on my part might have been considered disrespectful. At the same time, I never doubted the ability of Maj. Cameron, to conduct the detachment in its retreat.

The night again passed in perfect quiet; and the ensuing morning, about 8 o’clock, and after breakfast, accompanied by a Jummadaur's escort of about 30 men, and leaving the command to Maj. Cameron, we proceeded to descend the gauht. On this occasion ordering my bearers with the miaunah to follow, I commenced the descent on my crutches; but had not long continued my progress ,when I found tha,t with his habitual abstraction of mind, the Colonel had marched on with the escort, far out of sight or hearing; thus leaving me at a distance in the rear, with no other protection than that which would be derived from two sepoy orderlies. It was God's providence that even this slender protection remained with me; for, a very little, while afterwards, they called my attention to the forest acclivity, about a musket-shot to our left, where I immediately perceived several of the enemy stealing hastily along, as if to take possession of some spot from whence they might securely assail us.
I sent, therefore, one of the sepoys on, to request that the Colonel would halt the escort until I could come up, as I believed we were about to be attacked.

Fortunately, the sepoy overtook the Colonel some distance in front, and the party stood fast until I joined them. We had proceeded not more, perhaps than 200 or 300 yards on our march, when we came to a shallow rivulet, which made an opening both to the right and left. Our first red coat had scarcely appeared in the opening, when a sharp fire of musketry, from among the rocks and trees on our right, and a discharge of arrows from the forest range on our left, commenced upon us. The fire of musketry was certainly within the distance of 30 or 40 yards.

In crossing the rivulet, it was necessary that I should plant my crutches with the most deliberate caution, among the slippery pebbles, which covered the bottom; and many a shot, and many an arrow, dashed the water up between my crutches; and it was certainly almost a miracle, that I should have gained the opposite side unscathed. And here, in justice to the memory of a brave man, long since departed to his eternal rest, I must acknowledge the surprise which I felt at the energy, activity, and ardour, which seemed, in a moment, to animate the entire frame of Col. Dow. The unfaltering coolness with which he gave his orders, and arranged our little party for defence, brought conviction home to me, that it only required a crisis of actual danger ,to awaken in him faculties that would have rendered him a bright example to the service.

The scattered fire of our party, separately dispersed among the trees, although we could only aim at the smoke of the enemy's pieces, succeeded, nevertheless, in a short time, in beating them off; for they now retired, either in consequence of some alarm from the rear (for a party had been ordered to our support, by Maj. Cameron, the moment he heard the firing in the gauht) or that they had suffered some loss from our musketry. At all events, this was the last we either saw or heard of them .
We then prosecuted our march, or, as the Colonel good humouredly expressed it, “kept moving,” until the forenoon was considerably advanced, when we came to another rivulet ,broader and deeper than that on which we had experienced our perilous escape. By this time my strength had completely failed me, and a painful cramp having seized the calf of my leg, I sunk down exhausted, and almost fainting, in the middle of the stream. In this situation the sepoys by my direction, poured water over my head and shoulders; and in an instant I felt myself surprisingly refreshed. In a few minutes I was assisted to the top of the opposite bank; which being more elevated than that which we had just quitted, offered a position from which we might oppose any further attempt on the part of the enemy, with greater advantage. The surrounding scenery was also become more open, than exactly suited their system of warfare.

Seated on this bank, I found my strength, notwithstanding, so entirely exhausted by a walk on crutches of 6 or 8, miles that I was compelled to the necessity of declaring that I could proceed no further; and I already considered that I was about to terminate my career under the Nair knife; for it was notorious that they gave no quarter. The Colonel happened to have with him a Mozambique slave, of athletic proportions, and great muscular strength; and by desire of his master, this man consented to take me on his back: but he had scarcely borne me 100 yards, when he complained that my weight was so great, that he could carry me no further, and he accordingly let me down. My clothes had, indeed become so saturated with moisture, by my drenching in the river, and every muscle in my frame so entirely relaxed by fatigue, that my weight must have been nearly doubled, and I could not be much surprised at what he did. Again the goodness of Providence interposed in my behalf; for the sepoys now volunteered to bear me out of danger. Having procured a pole from the adjoining jungle, they fastened together two of their kamlies, or hair-rugs, and, tying them at both ends to the pole, they formed a sort of hammock, in which being placed, I was thus carried on without further detention. It was however not very long before we emerged from the jungle into the open country, a little above the small station, on the north bank of the river of Mahé; called, as far as I can recollect, Parkarote. Hence, turning a short distance to the northward, perhaps an 100 or 200 yards, we were conducted to a very substantial Mopla house. We were taken to the upper part of the building, into an open gallery balustraded all round; the roof projecting to a considerable distance beyond the body of the building. Here we were in sufficient security against attack; the gallery sloping outwards above the parts below, so as to admit of our firing on the heads of any assailants. Here, after partaking of a simple curry, it being now late in the afternoon, we laid ourselves down on some floor mats, and slept without either awaking, or thinking of an enemy, until breakfast time the next morning.

While we were at breakfast a report was brought us that a number of sepoys were at that moment issuing from the opening in the jungle, from which we had made our egress the preceding day. This proved to be the advanced guard ,commanded by Capt. Disney, of the main body of the detachment, under Maj. Cameron; now also on its retreat down the Cherrum. Capt. Disney, although attacked on his march, effected his passage without loss; which was certainly surprising, when we considered that the enemy fired in perfect security from behind the trees and inaccessible rocks. Capt .Disney gave a written report of the circumstances of his passage; which was as graphic as it was interesting. Having directed him to post his people, together with the 30 men which had composed our escort, near the opening of the jungle, in such order as to flank the detachment, under Maj. Cameron, if hard pressed in his retreat, which we did not expect, Col. Dow accompanied by myself, proceeded on board a large canoe with out-rigger, in which we dropped down the placid river to the once French settlement of Mahé; where, without further incident, we arrived in the course of the day.
We were hospitably received by Mr Law, one of the gentlemen of the Bombay civil service attached to the province of Malabar ;at whose house I was immediately put to bed, under violent feverish irritation, occasioned by so much fatigue and excitement. This was, however soon allayed, and in a few days we quitted Mahé, after Col. Dow had held his conference with the commissioners ;and I returned to my old friend Gen. Bowles quarters, at Caddouly hill, in Tillicherry.

While at Mahé, the details reached us of the disastrous circumstances of Maj. Cameron's retreat. He fell in the disorderly conflict; as did his Adjutant, Lieut. Nugent, whom I have already mentioned, as a very gallant and promising young soldier. On this fatal occasion, he proved himself worthy of the highest encomium; for when the native officer who carried one of the colours of the battalion, was killed he immediately disengaged the colour from the staff, and wrapping it round his waist, soon after fell, mortally wounded. The circumstances of Maj. Cameron's death were never reported. The total loss sustained by the detachment was never correctly ascertained. At first it was supposed to have been most serious independently of the death of two gallant officers; but many supposed to have been killed, contrived to escape among the jungles, and subsequently joined their corps.

It was thought by many that, in part at least, this disaster might have been avoided; and that was by abandoning the baggage, instead of suffering it, with the crowd of bullocks, to choke the narrow passage of the gauht; so as to much impede the movements of the men. This was, however, an alternative, to which Maj. Cameron, who was one of our bravest officers, could not submit, any more than to leave the little grasshopper, which was lost in the confusion. My bearers contrived to escape by throwing down my palanquin; but my poor Mussulman, Hookah-burdaur, was killed on the spot. The palanquin being observed overturned by the side of the narrow road, and my cloak hanging over the side, the report was circulated that I had shared his fate; because, at the time ,I happened to wear a green undress frock-coat, and the green lining of the boat cloak seemed to account for the report.

In his report of the circumstances attending his march, Capt. Disney stated that at the commencement of every attack, he heard the small shrill note, of what he considered a slender reed pipe. During our descent, I had heard a similar note, which I conceived to have been either that of a forest bird, or the sound occasioned, perhaps, by the collision of some clusters of bamboo, agitated by the passing breezes.

While at Tillicherry, a report was drawn up by me, in detail, of our proceedings; from the period of our departure from Calicut, up to that of our return to Mahé. It was addressed to Gen. Stuart, the Com.-in-Ch. of the Bombay army; who, as I was subsequently informed by his secretary, Maj. Walker, declared it to have been the only intelligible account which he had yet received of the transactions in Malabar. It devolved to me also, and curiously enough in competition with Capt.(since Maj. Gen.)Lewis to draw up a memorial to the commissioners at Mahé. Col. Dow, from a partiality ,perhaps, of which he might not have been aware adopted that of his officiating secretary; for I certainly could not have become better informed in the affairs of Malabar than Capt Lewis, who had for many years resided in that province.
I must not omit to state, that at the expiration of two or three days after our return to Tillicherry, I accompanied Col Dow to visit the division Col Anderson; which was on its return from a march to the foot of the Cotiary gauht, towards its fixed station at Cotapoorambah; and this right across the line of our retreat from the Periacherrum. As the immediate district was at this moment in the power of the insurgents, we halted for the night at Cudroor, a Nair fortified house, about midway between Tillicherry and Cotapoorambah. The access to the interior of this mansion was by a ladder, to an upper door about 20 feet from the ground; which, rendered it pretty secure against attack without artillery. The ladder of ascent was nothing but the stem of a tree, with notches cut into it for steps; and I experienced some difficulty in getting to the top. In the course of the afternoon, we heard several discharges of musketry; which we were next day informed had been occasioned by some vexatious and desultory attempts on the part of the enemy, to harrass the detachment on its march to Cotapoorambah.

Next morning we quitted our snug retreat, at Cudroor house, with our small escort of sepoys; and pushing at quick time along the open track of rice grounds, flanked on either side by a suspicious looking jungle, we reached the station at Cotapoorambah, without either attack or accident early in the forenoon.

We found the troops under Col. Anderson disposed round the large tank, and in the dilapidated buildings along the sides. At present there appeared to be a dead stop to our operations against the Cotiote insurgents: any attack on the interior of that forest-covered-district, with our then existing force, being considered worse than useless; and a wanton sacrifice of human life, to no purpose whatever.

While we remained at Cotapoorambah, Col. (since Lieut.- Gen.) Nicholson, of the Bombay engineers, had occasion to visit the station; and on his way from Tillicherry, with an escort of provisions, had personal experience of what the troops were exposed to on these indispensible duties; for his approach to the post was early announced, by a sharp fire of musketry, kept up between the escort and the enemy, in the jungle on their flanks, while they were proceeding along the centre of the open rice grounds, between Cudroor house and Cotapoorambah. There was, however no mischief done; and the Colonel, who had not for years, been within the range of an angry musket-shot, seemed not a little rejoiced to find himself among his friends. He had lost a leg, it might be noted, in a campaign of his early service.

Col Anderson, who had most justly the character of an excellent officer, as was eminently proved by the skill of his arrangements, in maintaining and providing for the subsistence of the station at Cotapoorambah, was nevertheless, of a disposition not the most accommodating in the world; and with whom official communication, therefore, presented nothing very agreeable, or inviting. I accordingly, soon discovered that he and I were not likely to coalesce. I had indeed already given offence by openly expressing an opinion averse to the fire-and-sword system, hitherto pursued; and he had, I thought ,very significantly remarked, that the service had never prospered, since subalterns had presumed to give their opinions. At all events, and all things considered, I took an early opportunity of signifying to Col. Dow, that it was my intention of returning to my duties at the Presidency by the first conveyance from Malabar. [1]

[1] Memoirs of the early life & service of a Field Officer of the Retired List of the Indian Army, published London 1839. by David Price. page 333 to 351.

Mahé, its establishment & its role under the EIC. Part 1

Today Mahé is an attractive sleepy little town only five miles to the south of Thalassery. It's major claim to fame is the ready availability of alcohol to young partying groups of students from as far away as Bangalore.

To this day, it still retains some semblance of it's former French status as a colony, although very few French have lived there since the early 19th Century.

The town changed hands frequently during it's history being captured by the British in 1779, then returned to France in 1783, before being captured once again in 1793.

It has a different atmosphere from that of surrounding towns. It has a history of being on the edge, and had a colourful role in many of the wider regions affairs.

Oddly enough, the original French settlement on the Malabar Coast was at the current site of Thalassery, and not Mahé. This French built mud fort, almost certainly predates Mahé as a French settlement. It was only later that they moved south.

In August 1664 the French Government under Colbert the Minister of Finance, established La Compagnie Royale des Indes in an attempt to compete with the Dutch and English East India Companies.

As relatively late arrivals on the Malabar Coast the French had to try to find locations where they could set up trading posts. The best locations at Cochin, Calicut and Cannanore had already been secured by the Portuguese, Dutch and English.

These existing traders used all their available influence, and if necessary military force to drive out subsequent competitors from the best locations.

With constantly changing allegencies, in Europe, as Britain fought the Dutch, as allies of the French, and then the French whilst allied to the Dutch; the political background was highly confused. News took so long to get from Europe to India and back that settlements could be at war in India a year or more after peace had been declared between their respective governments at home in Europe.

Then there were the interloping freelancers, pirates and privateers, who often intervened at highly inopportune times, plundering local traders, and even East India Company ships, and destroying fragile political arrangements.

All these factors were in addition to the highly complex situation amongst the local Indian rulers, who were operating in much the same way that the European rulers were, forming alliances, fighting local wars, and intriguing against and in turn with each other.

The smaller and less influencial rulers along the coast north of Calicut and south of Cannanore had been left out of much of the prosperity that had come to their neighbours and rivals in Calicut and Cannanore from the Arab and Dutch and Portuguese traders.

The relatively small amounts of pepper they had available for sale, by comparison with Cochin, Calicut or Cannanore was such that it was not worth the while for the Arabs, Dutch or Portuguese to set up factories along the coast in their fiefdoms.

If you had arrived in 1660 by ship at the locations where Mahé or Tellicherry were to be built after 1675 you would have seen very little,if any habitation along the coast. A few fishermen lived in huts along the beach, but all the significant local settlements were several miles inland from the coast.

The sandy beach would have been backed by a dense palm forest as far as the eyes could see, inland to the distant ghats.

The French had to find a suitable location for a small depot or factory on the coast. Traders could not expect to fill a ship in a single location, and they could not allow the ships to weight off an exposed shore. What was needed was a place where three or four merchants or factors could be left from one year to the next, assembling cargoes that could be loaded onto the ships, in the space of a week or less, before these ships set out for France.

The area around the Mahé River and the present site of Tellicherry was a no man's land, or boundary between two powerful local rulers, the paramount Rajah's in this area came from the Kolattiri family, but this was a fractured family with a complex set of smaller local rulers or Regents. The Tekkalankur was regent of the southern part of the Kolattiri families domains. The Valadakkalankur was regent of the northern division. These rulers were in a heirachy, so that when the Kolattiri died, the next ruler down moved into his position. Depending on whether the wider community agreed with these moves, or whether their were challenges from rival relations, the situation on the ground could rapidly descend to civil war.

These conflicting rulers needed all the staus and support they could find, and it was the Tekkalankur who appears to have granted the French the settlement at Mahé. Later on Vadakkalankur would grant the use of the Tellicherry site to the English.

Each ruler would expect their respective European tenant to side with them in their power struggles. These power struggles would colour relationships between Mahé and Tellicherry for most of the 18th Century.

The French had settled there during the 1670's and had established a small factory and a mud fort or bastion on the beach at Tellicherry, before the British arrived there. It was probably on the site of the existing fort, or possibly slightly further north near Overbury's later folly.

The French soon realised that the Mahé River mouth offered a better site, and one with good access by water to the interior, down which pepper could be brought by canoe. They abandoned the initial settlement in Tellicherry.

With the constant wars between France and Britain underway for much of the 18th Century, relationships between the two settlements were often very tense even in peacetime.

The settlement was first captured by the British from the French on the 19th of March 1779, however it had had to be restored to France under the peace treaty signed at Versailles on the 20th of January 1783.

With the onset of renewed hostilities in the Revolutionary War, it was a key objective of the East India Company to secure this French outpost, especially as it was being used as a conduit of weapons and expertise to Tipu Sultan at Seringapatam.

Murdoch Brown a Scottish adventurer, who had been in the Danish and French service had set himself up in the French territory at Mahé. From Mahé Brown was providing credit to arms dealers supplying weapons to Tipu.

In the following letter written by M. Descomber from Isle De France, on the 5th of March 1798 to Tipu Sultan at Seringapatam, Brown's role is described. Originally in French, a translation by Macaulay was later published as part of the justification of the East India Companies attack on Tipu in 1799.

"Your Minister Asheruff Ali Khan arrived at Mangalore in the beginning of the year 1793. He there received the fusees and was satisfied with them; I was paid only in part; he gave me an order for 14,000 Rupees upon Brown of Mahé who gave me a bill on another person, and I have not yet received payment but it is no longer your Highness who is responsible to me for the amount." [1]

With Brown playing a very complicated part in affairs, being excluded from the East India Company, because he was not in their employment, and also because he had been apparently profiting by private trade with Tipu who might at any time attack the EIC settlement at Tellicherry, many employees of the East India Company felt that Brown should be made to face justice for his deeds. Walter Ewer, wrote the following in a letter addressed to Henry Dundas in 1796.

Murdoch Brown. As this gentleman’s name makes a very conspicuous Figure in the affairs of Malabar, it would not be doing him Justice to pass him over in silence; He is a Merchant at Mahé, a man of abilities, & perfectly acquainted with everything relating to the Province. He has given a great deal of useful information to Mr. Duncan, who in Return, has appointed him Malabar Interpreter to the Commissioners to the exclusion of some young gentlemen in the service who had applied themselves to the language.

This gives him great influence with the Commrs. This much I must mention on this “Gentleman’s" Behalf, as I do not wish to detract from his Merit. But I am firmly of Opinion, that if he had his Deserts, he ought to be hanged as a Traitor to his country, or sent Prisoner of War to Bombay. He is said to be, & really appears to be, a Scotchman, if he is, he is fortunate in having escaped the former of these Fates; He has lived at Mahé as a Dane, & an Austrian, & finished his career of Countries, by defending the Place in Arms, as a Frenchman, in which situation he was taken; Let him chuse his Country being found in arms, he is certainly a Prisoner of War; Tis said he was concerned in the War before last, with some Merchants of Bombay, in supplying the Enemy with Provisions & Stores; this is not so much to his Discredit as to theirs, & I only introduce it, because it is said to have given him Considerable Interest, both at that place and in England.

It is supposed he is to receive some great mark of Distinction, & to be taken into regular service of the Company. If this is done it will fix Disgrace on that Service which never can be wiped off. The Company are already indebted to him, for the loss of some very able young men who would have made a conspicuous Figure of it. He may do very well as an interpreter, with a check over him, but no persons at all acquainted with mankind, would put confidence in such a character. [2]

It is not entirely clear who the "Merchants of Bombay" were who were supplying stores to Tipu, but evidence supports the theory that these merchants many have included Mr. Torin. Torin was to play a significant role in engineering the down fall of the Pyche Rajah, as Ewer's correspondance makes clear.

That Mr. Torin was not above using his public office for private gain, is apparent from events in also tried to fix the price of pepper by privately buying up the supplies, before reselling it at a higher rate to his employer, the East India Company, for his private gain.

Thomas Baber alludes to this in his correspondance to Thomas Warden in the years before 1809.

"On the Consultation of the 3inst of January 1809 is recorded a letter from Mr. Warden complaining that Mr Baber had declared himself to be in possession of papers if brought to light would ruin Mr. Warden, Mr. Torin, and Mr. Fell, and that upon being called upon for an explanation he evaded it. The Governor in Council directed Mr. Warden’s letter to be sent to Mr Baber for his explanation, but it does not appear from the Records that he ever offered any to Government. From this period till 1815 there appears to have been a want of cordiality between Mr Warden & Mr. Baber, which ultimately led to consequences that issued in the removal of the latter from Malabar to Canara."[3]

The East India Company forces under Lieutenant Colonel Hartley, were able to capture Mahé once again on the 16th of July 1793.

The recapture of Mahé acheived two main objectives for the English. Firstly, it was much more difficult for the French to enter India, and secondly, it enabled the East India Company to set the price of pepper on the coast. The Dutch settlement at Cochin was soon effectively blockaded as the Netherlands fell under French control.

Pepper could no longer be sold to European's except via the English. This impacted very rapidly on the local Rajah's already reeling from the devastation of their plantations during the war with Tipu Sultan.

For the East India Company officials at Tellicherry, there was one added bonus to the capture of Mahé. It offered far better living accomodation for officials than Tellicherry.

Tellicherry was a very cramped settlement, and one that had only recently undergone a prolonged siege and blockade. The garden houses that officials liked to build for themselves had been destroyed or fortified during the siege.

The surrounding forests had been destroyed, and it was surrounded by the detritus of war, with shanty towns full of refugees from the interior, and economic migrants.

As a result officials like Mr. Stracey, and Mr. Torin moved to Mahé leaving Tellicherry. At Mahé there were vacant houses abandoned by the previous French officials.

Similarly the garrison at Tellicherry was greatly reduced when it was moved Cannanore Fort after it was captured. In 1794 Tellicherry, which had cost far more to run, and particularly to defend, than it had ever made from its trade, was reduced to a settlement. This settlement would in future be occupied in the main by the judical officials, who for some reason never made the move to Cannanore.

William Ewer writing in 1797, offers a short description of Mahé.

"Mahe. This is a beautiful little place four miles from Tillicherry, taken from the French this war; & if possible it ought to be kept; it was at all Times; when in their Hands a place of Political Intrigue & gives them a footing in the Coast; it is a Residence of Foreign Merchants out of Controul of the Company who interfere very much with the Company's concerns. The Road to the southward is through it, be sides this; the French will always have it in their Power to create & encourage Disturbances amongst the Natives." [4]

The British residents of Tellicherry during the period of the Napoleonic Wars were ever concious that the French might return to the town following any eventual peace treaty. As many of the officials engaged in private trade, and would find this challenged by a French return to Mahé, they appear to have deliberately set about destroying much of the infrastructure there. This may have been deliberate official policy. Certainly similar demolition and destruction had taken place in the erstwhile Dutch colony in Cochin after 1809, when many warehouses seem to have been torched to prevent their re-use, should the Dutch reclaim the settlement at the peace table.

By 1812 Mahé had become a back water, offering suitable day excursions from Tellicherry for the resident officials. One such trip is described by Colonel James Welsh.

"MAHE.

Being detained here as a Member of a General Court Martial, I had now more leisure to see a little of the surrounding country, and consequently, accompanied Colonel Webber first, and afterwards Mr. and Mrs. Baber, to pass a day at the French settlement of Mahé, five miles beyond Tellicherry. Passing south from Tellicherry, we first came to the old fort of Mylan, or Moylan. Though built upon a rock on the sea-shore, and now very old and entirely abandoned, yet it once completely commanded the only road,and is certainly judiciously chosen, and strong. A small fishing town lies under it's brow, to the eastward ; and the spot is altogether interesting. Crossing a rapid river in a jungar, at the fifth mile, you land in Mahe", a place now going fast to decay, but formerly one of singular strength, beauty, and consequence. It is even now a lovely spot, situated on the bank of a clear navigable river, close to the sea, which forms a bar in sight of the town, and gradually rising and embracing some strong heights, once fortified, which command not only the passage across the river, but all the surrounding country for a considerable extent. The town still contains some good houses, but few respectable inhabitants. We put up in an up-stair house on the river side, belonging to a Moplah, called Moosah Puckee, a man of immense fortune, said to be worth at least eleven lacs of rupees. He is a great merchant, and owner of much property in land, as well as several ships. Another capital house, built on the landing- place, belongs to an old French merchant, M. Dineure, whom we visited ; he and another gentleman, M. Jussain,being the only two respectable men left out of a once rich and flourishing port. They were both very old and infirm,but very agreeable companions; and joked each other,with great good humour, about which should first pass the gulf, then yawning to receive them. Having seen all their old companions laid in the silent grave, they seemed left for a little longer space, almost solely to point out to strangers the spot where such an one resided ; where such a building once stood ; and to tell how the English wantonly destroyed the finest and most sacred edifices, as well as the works of the place. For, setting aside the mild and more recent precepts of the Divine Law, and acting on the lex talionis principle, because the French, on the other coast, had destroyed both public and private edifices in Madras, they not only pulled down the Governor's Palace, the ruins of which still tell what a magnificent building it must have been, but also destroyed a public School, and dismantled the Church, an uncommonly large one. I feel a glow on my cheek, while writing this sentence, Protestant though I am : how must these men have despised and execrated, in their hearts, the perpetrators of such barbarous acts! These gentlemen are both since dead, and their mortal remains mingled with the dust of their former companions." [5]

To be continued.

[1] From Official Documents, Relative to the Negotiations Carried on by Tippoo Sultan with the French Nation etc. Published 1799, at Calcutta. By Neil Benjamin Edmonstone. Page 107.

[2] British Library OIOC. IOR H/438 Walter Ewer Folio 148

[3] British Library OIOC. Personal Records O/6/9 folio 5

[4] British Library OIOC. IOR H/438 folio 147.

[5] James Welsh, Military Reminiscences, Published 1830, Vol II page 41 & 42.

Murdoch Brown, (1750-1828) the early days.

Murdoch Brown was a fascinating character, and one who played a central role in most of the major events that took place in Northern Malabar between 1790 and 1828.

Opinions differ widely over his conduct, and had he lived in this modern politically correct world, he would most probably have been condemned for his actions, as he was by Thomas Hervey Baber in 1811. However to most of his contemporaries, he was probably seen as a man of affairs, and as somebody who was highly capable, and who got things done, often in very difficult circumstances.

In the course of following two articles, I will try to outline his life and times, as well as his conflict with Thomas Baber. I will also explore his impact on the wider issues surrounding his part in the war with the Pazhassi Raja.

Originally a Scot born in Edinburgh in 1750, Brown travelled first as a young man to continental Europe, visiting Lisbon, where he is thought to have found work.

It is not entirely clear when he first determined to go out to India, or indeed why, but without any obvious source of patronage, he would not have stood much chance of acquiring a position in the English East India Company.

Like many other Scots trying to make their way in the World at that time, opportunities at home in Scotland were limited, and he decided that he needed to look outside the United Kingdom.

By 1770 several East India Companies besides the English one,[the East India Company, EIC.] had been formed in Europe, including the Dutch,[Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie,VOC.], French, Ostend, Danish, and Swedish East India Companies.

Many of these companies already employed substantial numbers of Scots. In some cases, these Scots played such an important roles, that there were frequent complaints from the Directors of the E.I.C. and the British Government that these foreign companies, were in effect flags of convenience, run by Scottish interlopers as a way to get around the EIC's monoploy of trade between Britain and India.

Colin Campbell (1686 - 1757) was typical example of these highly enterprising Scots, originally an E.I.C. employee, he became a director of the Swedish East India Company from 1731 to 1757. H did this as a way of re-entering trade with India following his dismissal from the East India Company.

It would appear that Murdoch Brown, decided in about 1775, to emulate these earlier Scots. He joined the newly formed österreichisch-ostindische Handelscompagnie. [Austrian Ostend Trading Company.] This company was a newly formed company, which followed in the footsteps of an earlier company that was originally based in Ostend, which was then part of the Austrian Empire. During the 1720's this earlier Ostend East India Company, had operated very largely as a flag of convenience for many excluded English and Scottish merchants who wanted to trade to India as interlopers, outside the EIC monopoly.

The new company had been founded in 1775 by William Bolt, a Dutch man who had been dismissed from the British East India Company in Calcutta in the 1760's for corruption.

Edward Baber, Thomas Hervey Baber's uncle, had been a Writer in Calcutta at that time, and it was Edward Baber who Bolt had tried to persuade to return bonds, so that Bolt could alter the documents, to suit his own purposes. Bolt had subsequently been dismissed as a result of these events, and had returned to Britain where he published a highly critical book "Considerations on India Affairs: Particularly Respecting the Present State of Bengal and its Dependencies..." on the affairs of the EIC.

Bolt commanded a ship called the 'Joseph und Theresia’ which sailed from Livorno on the 24th of September 1776 bound for India, intending to go first to the Portuguese settlement of Goa.

Livorno was known as Leghorn at this time by the British who used the port as their main trading centre in Italy. As Leghorn, the port appears in many accounts from the period as the preferred seaport for travellers on the Grand Tour trying to avoid the Alpine passes.

It appears that the British in India used diplomacy to obstruct the ships trade along the coast of India, so that Bolts sailed onto the Nicobar Islands where on the 12th of July 1778 and he claimed one of them as a settlement which he named as 'Theresia' in honour of the Austrian Queen, Maria Theresia.

The company was later transformed into the Asian Trading Company headquartered in Trieste in 1780 and was dissolved in 1785.[1]

It is very likely that it was as a member of the crew of the Joseph and Theresia that Murdoch Brown, then aged 28 first reached India.

In order to collect sufficient cargo from the ports along these coasts, it was usual for merchant ships to call at several ports along the coast to collect sufficient cargo to fill their holds. Ships could only spend a limited time on the coast due to the need to avoid the monsoon and to take advantage of the season winds that carried them back and forth with the rhythms of the weather patterns. This meant that is was usual to leave behind small shore parties to negotiate contracts for future seasons cargoes, so that these cargoes could be waiting on the shore when the ships arrived.

It would appear that Murdoch Brown was one of those intended to undertake this role for the new company. Brown may have in time also become Consul, in addition to his duties as a merchant or Supercargo.

The existing colonial powers and companies will have used their influence wherever possible to make his life as difficult as possible, by turning the local Rajah's and merchants against him.

However at this period some of the local rulers were still independant enough to command the respect of the East India Companies. Calicut for istance had at least three separate trading company compounds along its beach at this period. The British, French and Danish each had a factory or settlement.

It is not possible at this stage in my research to be sure where Brown first settled in India. However it appears that after 1785, with the failure of Bolt's company, Brown aged 35, found himself out without an employer.

He seems to have transferred his allegiance to the Danish Company, for whom it appears that he worked as their Agent initially at Alleppey. In the course of his business, Brown appears to have become fluent in several Malayalam languages and dialects.

The Danes had had an area of ground at Calicut awarded to them by the Zamorin for a factory [2][nowadays known as Kozhikode]as far back as the 17th April 1752.[3] This piece of land was called "Valappil Kadute" and was located just south of the French Factory, near the site of the old Jail or Market Rooms.

Ansen Bonsaco Governor of Tranquebar, had sent Jacob Christovo Suytman to negotiate with the Zamorin for right to a factory in that year. The Danish factory appears to have been maintained in Calicut until 1788[4] when the area became embroiled in a violent conflict whilst Tipu Sultan was engaged in trying to put down a rebellion by the nairs who were fighting to recover the town following Hyder Ali's earlier successful invasion.

Murdoch Brown is believed to have married a lady called Eliza King, who was educated in a convent at St Omer in 1790.[5]

Manuel Bernades, the Danish Factor fled from the Danish factory at Calicut, when instructed to do so by Fouzdar Arsad Beg Khan. It is at this point that Murdoch Brown reappears in the documentary record, when in 1792 and 1793, he wrote from Alleppey as the Danish Agent to the East India Company at Tellicherry requesting that they restore the Factory to the Danish Company.

Brown then moved to Mahé where he was living by 1795. Being denied a post within the East India Company, Brown if he wished to remain in India, must have been forced to move to the nearest available town that was not commanded by the EIC. Calicut had come under British effective control by 1792.

Mahé was only five miles from Tellicherry, and although it had been taken by the British from the French on the 19th of March 1779, it had had to be restored to France under the Treaty of Versailles on the 20th of January 1783.

Murdoch Brown set himself up as a merchant at Mahé, where with the assistance of Wallapagata Assen Ally [6], who he appears to have employed as his business manager, forming a business partnership that was to endure until at least 1811. Ally may have come to Mahé with Brown from Alleppey.

With the renewed out break of the Anglo French Wars The East India Company forces under Lieutenant Colonel Hartley, was able to capture Mahé again on the 16th of July 1793.

Mahé was one of the few ports open to Tipu Sultan in the period between his first defeat in 1791, and his final defeat in 1799. Tipu was trying to break the steadily growing stranglehold that the EIC. was establishing on the remaining trade and communications routes out of India. The French and the Ottoman's were Tipu's best source of external support, and these could only be reached through a sea port.

In French hands, Mahé provided a conduit for embassies to Isle De France, and via Suez to Constantinople. Weapons and ammunition, as well as French military advisers and adventurers, could also enter India via Mahé.

It appears that Murdoch Brown played an important role in providing these resources and also in selling pepper produced inland via a route that was outside the EIC's control. This is illustrated by the following correspondance captured and published after the fall of Seringapatam in 1799.

Your Minister Asheruff Ali Khan arrived at Mangalore in the beginning of the year 1793. He there received the fusees and was satisfied with them; I was paid only in part; he gave me an order for 14,000 Rupees upon Brown of Mahé who gave me a bill on another person, and I have not yet received payment but it is no longer your Highness who is responsible to me for the amount.[7]

Feelings ran high against Brown in Tellicherry amongst EIC military men,and some civilian officials in the aftermath of the second war with Tipu, because he along with other British merchants based in Bombay, had been instrumental in supplying Tipu with muskets, and other military supplies.

During 1796 Walter Ewer, an EIC. official was sent from Calcutta to the Malabar Coast to report on the state of affairs there. He wrote privately to the Right Honourable Henry Dundas (1742-1811), who was from 1794 to 1801 War Secretary, and was responsible for the colonies under William Pitt.

These letters which appear to have gone directly to Dundas bypassing East India Company channels, and they offer a very acutely observed set of observations on events in the Malabar area. Ewer thought that Brown was a cause of a lot of the difficulties that were arising in the region, as can be seen in the following extracts.

Murdoch Brown. As this gentleman’s name makes a very conspicuous Figure in the affairs of Malabar, it would not be doing him Justice to pass him over in silence; He is a Merchant at Mahé, a man of abilities, & perfectly acquainted with everything relating to the Province. He has given a great deal of useful information to Mr. Duncan, who in Return, has appointed him Malabar Interpreter to the Commissioners to the exclusion of some young gentlemen in the service who had applied themselves to the language.

This gives him great influence with the Commrs. This much I must mention on this “Gentleman’s" Behalf, as I do not wish to detract from his Merit. But I am firmly of Opinion, that if he had his Deserts, he ought to be hanged as a Traitor to his country, or sent Prisoner of War to Bombay. He is said to be, & really appears to be, a Scotchman, if he is, he is fortunate in having escaped the former of these Fates; He has lived at Mahe as a Dane, & an Austrian, & finished his career of Countries, by defending the Place in Arms, as a Frenchman, in which situation he was taken; Let him chuse his Country being found in arms, he is certainly a Prisoner of War; Tis said he was concerned in the War before last, with some Merchants of Bombay, in supplying the Enemy with Provisions & Stores; this is not so much to his Discredit as to theirs, & I only introduce it, because it is said to have given him Considerable Interest, both at that place and in England.

It is supposed he is to receive some great mark of Distinction, & to be taken into regular service of the Company. If this is done it will fix Disgrace on that Service which never can be wiped off. The Company are already indebted to him, for the loss of some very able young men who would have made a conspicuous Figure of it. He may do very well as an interpreter, with a check over him, but no persons at all acquainted with mankind, would put confidence in such a character. [8]

Walter Ewer returned to the subject of Murdoch Brown when discussing customs revenues.

There can be no doubt but the Customs on this Coast may be increased considerably, if properly managed, as at present immense Quantities of Goods, are smuggled, by Moupa, Murdoch Brown & other merchants at least tis so reported. It is whisper’d here, that Murdoch Brown is to be employed in the Customs, if it is on the Principle, that a reformed Thief makes a good Thief taker, it may be very proper, & I will engage that the Customs will increase, as he will take care that no one smuggles but himself. Though they will not increase so much, as if a Custom Master was appointed (with three or four European Writers under him on different stations) responsible only to Government, & not liable every moment to be worried by Commissioners, perhaps his juniors. [9]

However, other observers recognised Murdoch Brown's undoubted abilities, especially in regard of his knowledge of the local languages, and in the depth of his understanding of local conditions and cultures. In this respect, Brown was probably unrivalled at this period.

As Francis Buchanan describes in his book, "A Journey from Madras Through the Countries of Mysore, Canara, and Malabar."

From Cadrur Mr. Wilson was so good as to conduct me to the Companies plantation at Angara Cundy, where I was kindly received by Mr Brown, before mentioned. He has management of the Plantation, and collects the revenue of a small district named Randaterra, over which Mr Stachy is the magistrate. The country between Cadrur and the river on the banks of which Angara Cundy is situated, is almost entirely deserted, and overgrown with trees and bushes. It rises into small hills, intermixed with narrow vallies (sic) fit for the cultivation of rice; but the extent of these, in proportion to that of the hills, seems to be smaller than in most parts of the province. The whole seems to have been formerly cultivated; and the hilly ground is less steep than usual for Malabar.

The road all the way was good even for a cart.

The plantation has of late been much molested by the Nairs, and the eastern part of it has fallen into their hands; so that for the protection of what remains, it has been necessary to station a European Officer, with a company of Sepoys, at Mr Brown’s house. The Nairs are so bold, that at night they frequently fire into Mr Brown’s dwelling: and the last officer stationed there was lately shot dead, as he was walking in front of the house. Many valuable experiments are now carrying on in the plantation, which in an afternoon’s walk Mr. Brown was so good as to explain. [10]

The "Dictionary of Indian Biography" held at the Society of Genealogists' Library says of Brown.

"BROWN, Murdoch. Born at Edinburgh 1750; left Scotland for Lisbon merely for the voyage but never returned: found work in Lisbon, made his way through Europe: in 1775 went out as Consul to Calicut for the Empress Maria Theresa of Austria: engaged in trade, of which Jonathan Duncan, Governor of Bombay, wrote, 1792, as the most considerable of any British subject on that side of India: he lost eleven ships, East Indiamen, of 1,000 tons or more in the war with France: in 1798 he took over from Government as a plantation "Five Tarras of Randaterra" (The Anjrakandy estate) in Malabar: was granted, in 1802, a 99 years' lease, being the earliest English landholder in India: the natives regarded him as their Raja: none but the lowest caste would work on the estate, which was wasted by war: he educated his tenants and Christianized them by native catechists and German missionaries, raising them to the scale of civilisation: he spoke seven European languages and five or six Oriental languages: died at Tellicherry, 1828."[11]

How Murdoch Brown came to be running the plantation at Anjarakandy, and the serious consequences and events that followed, will be outlined in my next article.

If you have read this article and have any comments, or are able to offer additional information or corrections to anything I have written about Murdoch Brown's earlier life, I would welcome your comments by email to balmer.nicholas@gmail.com

Nick Balmer Copyright 30th December 2007.

[1]http://www.indianembassy.at/index.php?content=./content/austria/CultureBackground.php
[2]Factory, here is used in an older form of meaning, as a warehouse or Godown combined with living accomodation for the merchants, rather than a building where things are manufacturered.
[3]See William Logan's "A Collection of Treaties, Engagements and other Papers of Importance" published 1879, 1891, 1951, 1989, page 104. CXV.
[4] Logan gives two conflicting dates, in this book "Treaties", on page 106 he says 1778, and in "Malabar Manual" page 502, he gives 1788.
[5]From http://www.zip.com.au/~lnbdds/home/adasudeley.htm
[6]The Asiatic Journal July 1828, page 673.
[7]From Official Documents, Relative to the Negotiations Carried on by Tippoo Sultan with the French Nation etc. Published 1799, at Calcutta. By Neil Benjamin Edmonstone. Page 107.
[8]OIOC. IOR H/438 Walter Ewer Folio 148.
[9]OIOC. IOR H/438 Walter Ewer Folio 158.
[10] Buchanan Vol 2, page 546.
[11] From http://www.zip.com.au/~lnbdds/home/adasudeley.htm, and The Dictionary of Indian Biography, by C.E. Buckland.