Death of Mr Conolly, murdered by Islamic Insurgents 1855.

The Hill and Barracks at Calicut. 

 The exact date of the photo is unknown, but it probably dates to within a decade of Conolly's death.

With the news today filled with stories about ISIS and the Paris outrage, it brings to mind only too clearly how we are witnessing just one of a centuries long string of events stretching back to the Seventh Century.

In the middle of the 19th Century very similar events were unfolding with the Muslim minority along the coast beginning to reach critical population densities that they could start to take over more and more of the area from the local Hindu population. Throughout the 1840's there had been a series of assassinations of local Hindu landowners and even Nayar labourers.  A sect believed to be called Hal Ilakkam had carried out the outrage.  On 11t December 1843 Anavattatt Soliman and nine others killed Karukamana Govinda Mussat, the adhikari of Pandikad in Walluvanad Taluk, together with his servant while they were bathing. They then attacked and defiled two temples.  A detachment of the 19th Native Regiment under Major Osborne marched from Palghat, towards the location, and into an ambush.

"I moved the detachment at half-past ten in the direction of the house occupied by the murders accompanied by H.D.C. Cook Esq., two tahsildars and peons.  Immediately after filing though the paddy field the murderers rushed upon the column, and in a few minutes were shot, ten in number." [1]

Further incidents occurred in 1849 with substantial forces required from the 39th and 43rd Regiments of Native Infantry making assaults on Hindu Temples that the Mopillas had occupied.  Further flare-ups went on throughout 1851 when many fights with the insurgents took place. [2]

Mr Conolly was heavily involved in these events, but he seems to have been "I wish for the utmost publicity.  If any want of, or mistake in, management on my part has led in the slightest degree to these fearful evils (far more fearful in my time than they have ever been before), I am most desirous that a remedy be applied, whatever be the effect as regards my personal interests.  I have acted to the best of my judgement, but my judgement may be in error, and I should be glad were duly tested.... No measures taken as yet have reached the root of the evil, which there is too much reason to fear is growing in place of decaying."

"For some years past the province of Malabar has been disgraced by a series of outrages of the most heinous character, perpetrated by the Mappilas of the Provinces upon the Hindus of wealth and respectability, murdered them under circumstances the most horrible, burnt houses or given them up to pillage, and finally, wound up their crimes by throwing away their lives in desperate resistance to the police and military."

As is the case today in Brussels, Paris, London and Bedford, the Mappilas were being led and encouraged by radical religious leaders.  In this case, one Saiyid Fazl, an Arab known as Pukoya, or the Tirurangadi or Mambram Tangal.  Fazl had managed by 17th February 1852 to raise between 10,000 and 12,000 supporters at his mosque at Tirurangadi.

The British authorities struggled to come up with a strategy to deal with him.  Mr Strange, the Special Commissioner was asked to decide whether to bring Fazl to trial or to detain him as a state prisoner.  Conolly negotiated with him, and then on the 19th March 1852 sent Fazl and his family back to Arabia.

The outrages however continued, and by 1855 it was being reported "the Hindu's, in the parts where the outbreaks have been most frequent, stand in such fear of the Mappilas as mostly not to dare to press for their rights against them, ad there is many a Mappilla tenant who does not pay his rent, and cannot, so imminent are the risks, be evicted.  Other injuries are also put up with uncomplained."

THE MURDER OF MR. CONNOLLY.

The following interesting account of this sad event is from a private letter of young Belfast gentleman to his friends here;— "I have little personal news to tell you, but a most melancholy event has occurred since I last wrote, which has thrown gloom over the whole population of Malabar, from which we are only now recovering. I informed you of the escape of four Moplah prisoners from jail, and the fears that were entertained of an outbreak. These men were not re-captured, and the thing was dying out. On the morning of the 11th instant, Mr. Connolly, Collector, had been sitting in his verandah talking to Mrs. C-- , and was just rising to in and read prayers previous to retiring for the night, when these four ruffians rushed in and murdered Mr. Connolly the most brutal manner. They attacked him with their four knives, and the first stroke severed his arm from his body, having him with twenty-seven frightful wounds. Poor Mrs. C ran to her room, and although there were two Peons about the bungalou only one came forward, and he had his arm taken right off at one cut; a servant who came in was served likewise with his fingers. The ruffians escaped, and posted a notice on the cutcherry door, that they were off, and would kill every 'Sahib' they met. Revenge is the motive for this most brutal act—Mr. Connolly having, 14 years ago, sentenced these men to transportation. They were not heard of for two days, when it was discovered that they were in a village at the foot of Oughant and expected to be coming up here. The two Peons at the head of the pass received orders to keep good look out, and to retire on their approach. The Peons being unarmed were in a state of excitement here, as at that time our information was imperfect, and we were j told that there were eighteen men coming up the Ghant. However, we were well prepared to receive them, and could have given good account of them had they only ventured up. The marching out of troops rather surprised them, and they made a quick transit to the heart of the Moplah district, where they perhaps thought they would safe. But no: the authorities traced them sharp, and before they were well sheltered in a house between Coondotty and Murgerry, twenty of the gallant 74th Highlanders rushed forward with the butts of their muskets to the door, and soon revenged poor Connolly's, death, and their own sergeant, who was shot by the Moplahs when coming towards the house. All the European population of Calicut were, of course, in great fear of repetition of this affair, and all assembled in Calicut The judge and second judge received 'notice' that within twelve days they would meet a fate similar to poor Mr. Connolly’s, if they did not leave Malabar. Mr. Connolly had received a similar notice that he and his sheristadar would be murdered if not out of Malabar within twelve days, but, unfortunately, did not take any notice of it as he had received several such before. Strange, he was about leaving this month, he had been appointed a member of Council. It’s sad affair, after toiling in this country for so many years, and when just about enjoying at home the society of his family and his numerous friends, to be thus cut off! The high estimation in which was held was amply testified his funeral. Government will now take some active steps against these revengeful Moplahs, since one of their highest servants, next to the governor, has been thus brutally murdered. We have large bodies of Peons along the Calicut road, and Mr-- has arrested a number of Mops who harboured and protected the runaways. A company of the Queen’s 74th is quartered in Calicut. There are many other strange facts connected with this affair that cannot be accounted for, and therefore there is want of confidence among the population, both European and native, and a great distrust of Moplahs.”

Belfast Mercury - Monday 26 November 1855

The assassination had been carried on by Valasseri Emalu, Puliyakunat Tenu, Chemban Moidin Kutti and Vellattadayatta Parambil Moidin, who had escaped from a working party of jail convicts at Calicut.

The assassins evaded the Calicut authorities and retreated to a Mosque at Morar, eight miles north-west of Manjeri.

A detachment of Major Haly's Police Corps and part of No  Company of the  74th Highlanders under Captain Davies came up to the location.

"The positionof the Mappilas was a most difficult one, consisting of gardens surrounded by ditches.  After some practice with the mortar and howitzer, the troops charged into the gardens, and after turning the Mappilas out of one house, the offenders retreated to a stronger one, which they barricaded; the outer door of this garden was on the edge of a deep nullah; this door was first forced, and the troops were in the act of firing the house when the Mappilas threw open the door and rushed out upon the troops, and were, of course, quickly disposed of.  It was quite impossible, I consider, to have secured them alive, though injunctions had been given to do so if possible.  The men of the new Police Corps emulated the Europeans in their steadiness, and were equally to the front at the last charge.  I have, though with great regret, to report that one European was killed by a shot from the house, and another very dangerously wounded by a cut on the throat whilst one of the Mappilas was on his bayonet."

A major security operation got under way and over 300 Moplahs were soon rounded up for questioning. Sub-Collector Collett.

By the 16th of January the Bombay newspapers were announcing that "At Calicut the Sub Collector, Mr Collett, has well nigh completed his investigation regarding Mr Connolly's Murder."

Mr Conolly had been a reformer, and had spent much of his life in Malabar. When he arrived he found a landscape where most of the existing Teak forest had been cut down and extracted in the previous decades. He undertook experiments into the propagation of Teak trees,  which was technically very difficult to achieve. He was successful in establishing nurseries for growing Teak seedings and established many new Teak plantations.

The troubles died down for a few years but there were further incidents in 1857, 1858 & 1864. With the advent of the Indian Mutiny the local authorities became stronger in their surveillance of the Muslims.  The situation has remained difficult ever since, and my Hindu driver was noticeably reluctant to drive through some villages inland of Tellicherry citing recent events where Hindu's had been attacked when their vehicles had been pulled over by mobs.  We witnessed demonstrations in the streets at Beypore run by Islamic Groups.

We need to understand that the events in Europe today are only the continuation of a 1500 year process, whereby the Islamic fundamentalists use a tried and tested strategy to try to undermine and subvert our communities.

[1] William Logan's Malabar Manual, vol 1, page 559.
[2] Logan page 560 to 566.

Calicut Prison Break outs & Riots, 1802 to 1808

 

During the putting down of the Pazhassi Rajah's uprising and the associated outbreaks of resistance by the Moplahs to the presence of the East India Company in the Malabar, large numbers of Indian's were thrown into gaols in Calicut, Tellicherry and Canannore.

These gaols were run both directly by the East India Company and also by private gaolers would contracted with the EIC to run prisons.

The gaols were almost certainly highly over crowded and insanitary. The prisoners inside the gaols were actively in planning their escape and attempting to make prison break outs.

The following two accounts from Calicut in 1802 and 1808 describe events during these breakouts. It is not entirely clear exactly when these events took place.

Communications were often slow in those days. The first breakout probably took place in the months immediately before March 1803. The second event probably took place a year to 18 months before the news of the event appeared in the British papers.

The first breakout was yet another worry for the future Duke of Wellington as he was planning the concentration of his forces in the South of India for the campaign he was to fight later that year with the Mahrattas, and which would be capped with his victory at Assaye on the 23rd of September 1803.

Lieut. Stuart.

'Camp at Tuddus, 17th March, 1803

'I have received a letter from Colonel Montresor, from Calicut,of the 6th, from which I learn that the rebellion has spread much in Malabar, and that the rebels were in force not far from that place. The criminals confined in the gaol at Calicut had also got loose; sixty had made their escape, many were killed and some wounded in attempting it. The guard over the gaol had been surprised. Those people were chiefly rebels confirmed by Colonel Stevenson. 'I mislaid Colonel Montresor's letter yesterday evening, otherwise I should send it to you, but I have above stated the outlines of the information which it gives. I now enclose a letter which I have written to Colonel Montresor upon this subject, and if you should approve the directions it contains, I beg you will allow it to be forwarded to him. In fact, no more can be done in this season than I have there stated. It will be useless to leave more posts, or to have more men in Wynaad than the post at Manuntwaddy and those on the tops of the ghauts. If there were two battalions in that district they would be obliged to remain shut up in their posts, where they would be useless; at the same time, the greater the number of troops to be left in Wynaad, the greater will be the difficulty of providing for them. 'I received yesterday your letter of the 15th instant. I have sent Govind Rao with a message to Bappojee Scindiah of the same kind with that which I formerly sent, of which you approved. 'I shall march to-morrow to Misserycotta, where I shall halt next day to allow Major Malcolm to join me, and to give time to Govind Rao to arrange every thing with Bappojee Scindiah'

Believe me,

Lieut. General Arthur Wellesley. [1]

The second report is taken from the Morning Chronicle, one of Britain's leading papers at the time published in London, and reports a desperate act of resistance on the part of a band of Moplah's or Mappilas who knew that they otherwise had no hope of surviving beyond the following morning, when they were going to be executed by the EIC authorities.

They went down fighting, successfully killing and wounding several of the EIC forces.

"The following very extraordinary circumstance lately took place at Calicut: -Seven desperate Mallays who had been the terror of the adjacent country, having carried away the cattle, set fire to the cottages, and murdered several of the natives who opposed their depredations, were apprehended and lodged in the public gaol, when, during the period of their confinement, they behaved in the most refractory and resolute manner. On being brought to trial, several charges were brought home to them,. and they-all received sentence of death; but the evening previous to their execution, they rose on their guards, whom they murdered ; and possessing themselves of their muskets, 'bade defiance to the keeper of the prison and his assistants. The Officer commanding in the district, with a small detachment of seapoys, attempted to scale the walls of the prison; the doors and windows being blockaded. within; but he was repulsed with the lost of several men ; the assailants however being reinforced from an adjacent station, and the desperadoes finding themselves overpowered, set fire to that part of the prison in which they were confined, and refusing all assistance, perished in the flames. Fortunately the rest of the prisoners were rescued, and a part of the building was saved from destruction. [2]

[1]The dispatches of ... the duke of Wellington, compiled by Lieut. colonel John Gurwood, 1837... page 422.
[2] Morning Chronicle. Monday 08 August 1808. From the British Newspaper Archive Site.
Prison photo courtesy of Epoch Times.

Journal of a Route to the Neelghurries from Calicut. Part 3.

In the following extract, Thomas Baber describes the local gold mining and panning activities that he had observed as he reached the summit of the ghats.


"The following information I also gathered from the chetties and a putter Brahmin, in the service of the waranoor, respecting the situations where, and mode in which, golden ores was extracted in the Nambolacotta hobeley. The whole of the soil in the mountains, hills and paddy fields, and beds of rivers, is impregnated with this valuable metal; but it is only in or near watercourses, and consequently in the cholas, nullas, ruts, and breaks in the mountains, and in the beds of rivers, that gold was dug for. The operations commences by removing the crust of black earth; when the soil becomes reddish, it is dug up, and putty into a patty (a kind of wooden tray hollowed in the centre) which is then submerged in water, just enough to overflow it and no more, and kept in an undulating motion with one hand, while the earth is stirred up with the other, until all the earthy particles are washed nearly out of it; a black sediment is left in the hollow, consisting of a mixture of black sand, iron, and gold particles. The patty is then taken out of the water, and one end of it being elevated, the other resting on the ground, the sand, &c. are separated from the gold, by throwing water gently with the hand down the board. The golden particles are then obtained by amalgamation with quicksilver, and in this state are enclosed in a piece of wet tobacco-leaf, which being placed in a crucible, or more generally, between two pieces of lighted charcoal, the heat causes the quicksilver to evaporate, and simultaneously to consolidate the particles of gold. When the gold is found in small lumps, which is often the case in the beds of rivers, there is no occasion for the use of quicksilver or heat. Two persons are employed to each patty, one to dig the earth, the other to hold the patty, wash the earth away, and extract and unite, by means of quicksilver, the golden particles. Each patty pays a tax to government of 3 rupees per month, which, my informers added, absorbed two-thirds of the nett profits; and from the wretched appearance of the persons employed in working the patties, it is evident they are miserably paid. There are remains of pits in which gold was extracted formerly, but they are in utter disuse, owing it is said, to the danger from the earth falling in, not having the skill to support the earth. Gold is to be met with in the beds of rivers, both above and below, to the west and south-west side of the Neelgheerie and Coodanad mountains, as well as in the mountains; nothing , however, is known of its geonostic habitudes, or even localities, as far as regards veins, than that it is found in red earth, as far as the strata extend, in high grounds; and in white earth, below the black crust, in swamps and paddy fields; also in stones dug up at a great depth in beds of rivers. But the most productive places are small nullas, or rather ruts and breaks in the ground, into which the course of the water is most likely to drive the metal during the rainy season. Hence it is that more patties are worked in the rainy, than in the fair season. From the above description, the following conclusions may be drawn; -- first, that golden ore is homogeneous to the soil in the mountains and hills; and, secondly, that what is found in beds of rivers, and water-courses, has fortuitously been brought down by the rains. The very existence of gold would seem to call for a more extended examination, as it might lead to the most important results, both in greater quantity and better quality than any yet met with."[1]

[1]Pages 313-314, Journal of a Route to the Neelghurries from Calicut, Asiatic Journal (New Series) III.

Journal of a Route to the Neelghurries from Calicut. Part 2.

Left Nellamboor at 8 A.M. on the 9th, and arrived at Eddakarra at 12. For the first mile the road is through jungle over paramba, or high ground, terminated as usual by a slip of paddy field, and continues so, alternately, parramba and low lands, to the Karunbara river, which also takes its rise at Mangerri Mala, and falls into the Beypoor river about three miles east of Nellumboor. The ferry is called Yânandy and Pallikote Kádâwâ. Here I found a small ferry, and three or four bamboo rafts ready for me: it is fordable only in the fair season. From this river the roads leads, as before, over high and low lands to the Kalakùmpora river, which takes its rise in the Ella Mala, south of Caracote, and falls into the Beypoor river at Walloosherry; the ferry is called Neddumbary Kadawa: though deep and rapid, it is less difficult to cross than at Yanandy. Here also I found a ferry and rafts. From this river the roads leads through an extensive forest jungle, intersected here and there by uncultivated marshes, to the Neddumbary Kollum, a farm belonging also to the Teeroopad, in the middle of an extensive range of paddy fields, where the road is chiefly paramba or high land, for about two miles, to a range of paddy fields named Eddakerrapoilel, at the south-east end of which is a kollum belonginf also to Tachara Teeroopad. The river (Beypoor) approaches it about half a mile to the eastward, and is practicable, for small boats, for ten months in the year. The distance from Nellumboor to this kollum is about eight miles. Nothing can exceed the magnificence of the scenery from the openings in the low lands: both to the right and left, as well as in front, an endless succession of huge mountains, ranging from 3000 to 5000 feet high, clothed with forest jungles, the highest peaks of some of which are 1000 or 2000 feet above the table land of the great chain, called the Gâat Mountains. Those to the right form the table land of the Koondee hills in the Neelghurries. Here literally, as Mickle says, “hills peep o’er hills, and gâats on gâats arise.” Although the monsoon has set in only five days, the rain is pouring in torrents down the sides of the mountains, forming some most beautiful cascades and cataracts. These mountains are the famed teak forests. The chief owner of them is Táchàràkàwil Teeroopad. The largest is Kalla Mala, and runs south-east and north-west, and divides Tiroowambady, or the north-eastern most deshums of Porawye, from Ernaad; up the Waddakarry, there is a pass into Wynaad, that comes out at Koonyore Cota.



Map showing the route taken by Thomas Baber in 1823, part 2. Please click on the map for a larger version.


Left Eddakarra at 4 P.M., and reached Caracote Eddom at sun-set. The road leads through forests, chiefly of teakwood of the largest description, the property of the Nambolacota Waranoor. Midway there are two small rivers, one called Calcum (which takes its rise in the Kombula Mala, and falls into the Beypoor river, near Eddakarra); the other, Caracode, and takes its rise at Davalla, at the top of Carcote Pass; both are at all times fordable. Boats have been known to go up as far as Kodderrypara, which is only two miles west of Caracote. The Caracote Eddom is a farm belonging to the Nambola Cota Waranoor: it is a miserable building, and the only one, excepting a few surrounding huts, inhabited by pariars (slaves.)

Left Caracote at 8 A.M. on the 10th. The first mile and a half is through forest jungle, and so very thick that, had not the road been opened for me, it would have been impossible to have taken my palanqueen further on. The pass is over a succession of mountains covered with forest jungle, until within a mile of the top, -- the whole of which space is nearly bare of trees. The ascent commences at the southern bank of the Wellakatta river, which is fordable at all seasons. For the first few hundred yards, the ascent is not at all difficult; it then becomes exceedingly rugged, and thus it continues alternately easy and steep, in some places precipitous, to within a mile of the top, where it is one continued ascent (forming an angle of 45o ) to Nadkhang, the name given to the summit of the pass, which I reached about midday, having walked nearly the whole of the way. To the left of the pass, within a mile of the top, I observed several persons working in the vicinity of ravines or breaks in the mountains, where golden ore was being extracted. The surface of the ground appeared to have been excavated about a hundred yards in circumference. There was no getting to them owing to the immense chasms between them and me. From Nadkhang to Davalacota, the distance is about four miles: the road, which is a mere foot-path, goes over bare hills (very steep) nearly the whole way. Davalacota is the occasional residence of the Nambolacotta Waranoor. I found here a chetty names Kalapen, whose business it was to light up the shrine of the Waranoor’s household god (named Ayrawelby Paradawar). The approach is extremely difficult, and utterly impracticable for horse or palanquin.

I halted here about an hour; during which time I ascertained that there was a pass leading direct from Davalacota to Caracota Eddom, over the Koothrakela Malla, and about two-thirds of the length of the Caracota pass, and comes out at a place called Kallankooty Manna, about three miles from Caracota Eddom. By the Malabars this pass is called Kata-Mooka; by the Baddagurs of Davalacota, Gullikotoo.

From Davalacota I proceeded to Ottakail-Karaumba; the distance is about one mile and a half. This kararumba is a farm belonging to the Nambolacotta Waranoor, Narangawittel Arashen, the steward of the Waranoor’s estates, as far as the Kakkhang Tode, or nulla, within four miles of Nambolacotta. There are about a dozen houses in its vicinity. I halted here during the night, and had a long conversation with the inhabitants, who are chiefly Badagurs. Speaking of the Neelghurries, they (the Baddagurs) said, “they originally came from those hills, and where more or less connected with all the Baddagurs, and particularly those in the Koondee-Nâd; they spoke in grateful terms of improved condition of the Neelghurries, since Mr. Sullivan took up his abode amongst them, having previously been left to the mercy of those to whom the hills were yearly farmed out.

Pages 311-313, Journal of a Route to the Neelghurries from Calicut, Asiatic Journal (New Series) III.

Journal of a Route to the Neelghurries from Calicut. Part 1.

The Beypoor River, close to the point where Thomas Baber set off from on his journey to the Nilgiris Hills.

When I visited Beypore in December 2006, I knew that is was highly likely that I was following in Thomas Baber's footsteps, however at that time I had no proof that he had ever actually been to the town.

Recently however I have discovered the following account that he wrote in 1830, and which was subsequently published in the Asiatic Journal[1] describing a journey that he had made in 1823, from Calicut to the Nilgiris Hills.

The account makes it clear that he had been present in the area inland of Kozhikode as early as 1802, however at that time it is unlikely that he reached as far inland has the tops of Ghats themselves.

Thomas Baber was a contemporary of John Sullivan, the Collector of Coimbatore who is credited with founding Ootacamund. Sullivan first explored the region in January 1819, reaching the hills from Salem coming up from the eastern side of the hills.

The route in from the east, whilst considerably longer, is much less steep than the shorter route from the western seaboard up over the ghats. The route from Beypore to Ootacamund is about 110 miles long, and climbs up over the 6,000 feet high ghats.

In 1822 Sullivan returned to the hills to build his house, the first European house on the site. During the following year 1823, Sullivan brought his wife to the newly built stone house.

When he arrived at "Ottakamund" on the 13th of June 1823, Thomas Baber must have been one of the very first visitors to Sullivan's new house.

They were both to suffer for their shared interest in improving the conditions of the local Indian's. Like Sullivan in the Nilgiris, Thomas Baber was also experimenting a few miles to the north in the Wayanad with new crops and with ways of encouraging improved forms of agriculture amongst the local tribesmen in the hills.

This journal is interesting both as a record of the changing situations in the rural parts of Malabar following the areas occupation of the region by the East India Company. Thomas, who was often highly critical of the East India Company officials and their public administration of the area, was able to compare the situation in the villages over time, and was in a position to contrast the villages shortly after 1800 with the conditions in the 1820's.

It has proved possible to match the account with maps of the area made in the 1950's and with Google Earth images. I hope one day to return to the area and to repeat the journey.

The account is too long for a single post, so I will break it up into sections to post over the coming weeks.

Thomas wrote the account, which appeared in the Asiatic Journal, whilst living in retirement in Hanwell, a small village to the west of London. Perhaps in that first cold November after thirty four years in India, he was already beginning to miss the area. After two years in a much changed Britain, and missing his family in India, he returned to live out the remainder of his life in India in 1833.

Thomas was to return to Ootacamund on a number of occasions during the final part of his life. On one of these visits in 1841, his son Henry Fearon Baber married the Honourable Maria Jane Harris grand daughter of Lord Harris of Seringapatam on the 26th of September 1841 at Ootacamund.


GEOGRAPHY OF MALABAR.
To the Editor.

SIR: As every thing relating to the salubrious climate of the Neelghurries, Anglice “Blue Mountains,” on the coast of Malabar, must be interesting to all sojourners in India, I venture to submit the accompanying revised journal of a route from Calicut, via the river of Beypoor and passes of Carcote and Neddibett, in the year 1823.
With reference to the account given therein of the gold mines, and the mode in which that valuable metal is obtained, it appears to be deserving of the consideration of scientific persons, how far it would be desirable speculation to apply to the East-India Company for their permission to send out qualified persons to make the attempt to ascertain, by a local investigation and examination, the probable extent of the riches contained in the bowels of the earth in that portion of our Indian empire.

I am, Sir, &c.
Hanwell,15th Nov. 1830. T.H. Baber.


JOURNAL OF A ROUTE TO THE NEELGHURRIES FROM CALICUT.

By T.H. Baber, Esq.

LEFT Calicut at 5 P.M., 5th June 1823, and reached the ferry called Mammaly Kadawer, on the Beypoor river, at sun-set, (distance six miles); embarked in one boat, my servants following in another: after rowing all night, reached Ariacotta [2], (a bazaar on the banks of the Beypoor river,) about 7 A.M. – Average distance from Calicut to Ariacotta eight Malabar coss, or thirty-two English miles. I found Ariacotta Angâdy very much fallen off since I last visited it (1803); then there were between two and three hundred houses; at present the number is hardly one hundred. Owing, as the three head men stated, to the timber[3] , tobacco, and salt monopolies, particularly the first, which gave employment to a large proportion of the population of both this and the neighbouring Angâdies and Deshoms, on the banks of the Beypoor river.

Left Ariacotta[2] on the 7th at 8 A.M. The first two miles is by the high road from Ariacotta to Manjerry, after which a path to the left leads through a jungle for about half-a-mile to an open country for about two miles, terminated by a paddy field, intersected by a nulla, dry in the fair, but with about four feet water in the rainy season. About a hundred yards to the right is the illum (house) of the Pooliora Namboory, a land proprietor of considerable influence. After crossing this nulla, the road leads through a jungle for about a mile-and-half: about midway there is a nulla fordable during the fair season, but containing from five to six feet water during the monsoon. Here the road takes a circuitous direction to the right, open ground the whole way (about four miles) to the paddy fields in the vicinity of the Yadamunna Angâdy , in the centre of which is a nulla very difficult for a horse or palanquin to pass in the rainy season; for foot passengers there is a log of wood over a narrow part of the nulla.

Arrived at Yadamunna[4] about 1 P.M. This bazaar is also on the banks of the Beypoor river, and is in a very deplorable state, partly owing to the same causes as Ariacotta, and partly to the turbulent dispositions of its inhabitants. All the worst characters have, however, been removed by death or banishment, and there is little danger to be apprehended of any further attempts to disturb the peace of the country. There are about eighty houses, most of them in very bad condition.



Map showing the first stage of Thomas Babers route to Ootacamund. The actual route is coloured brown. Please click on the map for a larger version.

Started at 3 P.M. for, and arrived at, Mombât Angady,[5] at 5 P.M. The first part of the road leads through jungle along the banks of the Beypoor river; about a quarter of a mile from Yadamunna is a nulla at all times fordable, and another about two miles and a half further on, only passable in boats in the rainy season. Here the country becomes more open, and continues so the whole way to the nulla at the foot of the Mombât Angady, which is always fordable excepting for a few days during the height of the monsoon. Mombat is a Mopilla town, also on the banks of the Beypoor river; it contains about eighty houses, or about half the former number; until within the last twenty years a considerable trade used to be carried on here with the Balagat inhabitants, alias highlanders, viz, Nambolacotta, Parakameetil in Wynaas, Poonat or Mysore, Davaraiputton, and the Neelghurries, but has ceased since the plunder and massacre of a Baddagur, native of the Neelghurries, at Mombat, by a Mopilla maraunder named Cunhy Olan Cooty, who was executed in 1802. The people expressed a strong desire for the revival of this trade, which they said would be much facilitated by the establishment of an Oopakood, or salt gola, and of a shandy, or weekly fair, at Mombat, and probably nothing would contribute so much to humanize the Mopilla population, or tend more to the prosperity of this and the rest of the towns bordering on the Beypoor river, as the renewal of this trade.

Left Mombât on the 8th at 8, and arrived at Nellumboor at 10 A.M. The first two miles of the road is a mere jungle path, where it joins the high road from Manjerry by Wandoor, to Nellumboor. About a mile further on is the river Trikâkoon[6], fordable only during the fair season. It takes its rise at the Munjerri Mala, one of the Gâat mountains, and joins the Beypoor river about a mile east of Mombât, at a place called Moothraketty; I crossed it by means of a bamboo raft. From this river to Nellumboor, the distance is two miles and a half. Here I was met by the Kâristary, or Minister of Tachârâ Kawil Teeroopad, the Nellumboor Nadwâri, who had had the politeness to have the road opened the whole way from the Trikâkoon river to his easternmost farm called Eddakarra, a distance of about ten miles. Within one hundred yards of Nellumboor I was met by the Teeroopad himself, who conducted me to a house he had prepared for my reception.

Nellumboor is the ancient residence of this Nadwari. The kowlgum[7] or palace is on the bank of the Beypoor river, surrounded with a high mud wall. There are from twenty to thirty Nair houses, occupied exclusively by his dependants, and a pagoda dedicated to Watakara the Paradevar (household god) of the Teeroopad family. The Teeroopad and his Kuriastan were very earnest in their wishes for the re-establishment of the commercial intercourse between the lower and upper countries by the Caracote pass, and seemed to think that the facilities for trade were much greater by this than any of the other passes leading through Wynaad.


[1]Pages 310-311, Journal of a Route to the Neelghurries from Calicut, Asiatic Journal (New Series) III.
[2] Ariacotta = Arikkod
[3] The timber monopoly has been abolished since this was written. Thomas was a strong critic of this monoploy, campaigning over many years for its removal.
[4] Yadamunna = Vadapuram.
[5] In November 1827, when I again visited the Neelghurries, I came by water as far as Mombat. [now Mambad]
[6] Trikakoon= Vada Auram Puzha
[7] An upper room has been lately built by the Teeroopad over the outer gate-way or entrance, purposely for the accommodation of travellers.

Caranakera Menoen's Palanquin

Caranakera Menoen's Palanquin in 2004

On our way back from Thalaserry to Kochi our ever helpful hosts had arranged that I should meet Professor M.G.S. Narayanan, a renowned local Kozhikode historian. Professor Narayanan had formerly been Head of the Social Sciences and Humanities Department at Calicut University.

Prema Jayakumar, a direct descendant of Menon,[2] had previously told me that her ancestor's palanquin was preserved at the university History Department, and that it was in a store room.

Because of the difficult cramped nature of the storeroom, the carrying arms had already been cut off, and the palanquin was deteriorating fast. It had not been at all easy for Prema to get good photos in the restricted light, but the ones she had sent me clearly showed that it had been an official gift from the East India Company to Menoen.

An inscription giving details of the award of the palanquin.

On one of the doors, the coat of arms of the East India Company could clearly be seen.

East India Company Coat of Arms

At the university we were met by Professor K.N. Ganesh the current Head of the History Department, a most courteous and interesting man to talk to. I could have quite easily have spent the whole day discussing the period with him.

When the time eventually came for us to visit the palanquin, I quickly sensed that all was not well. Eventually I was taken to the head of the stairs in a second floor corridor, and there in the corridor stood the shattered palanquin.

It was explained to me that high spirited students had jumped on top of, or had otherwise smashed the palanquin during the previous months. The university was trying to find a way of fixing the palanquin, but that they lacked the necessary funds.

The Palanquin in December 2006.

It was quite clear that the palaquin although badly broken, was not beyond repair, as it had largely come apart along the joints.

I took the following series of photos in order to try to record its construction.

One of the sawn off carrying poles can be seen on the floor

The following photo, shows the interior of one of the two end bulkheads, with a metral reinforcement that carried the weight from the bottom of the box into the carrying pole.

Interior of carrying compartment

Roof of compartment, tilted upwards

The roof of the compartment, is the left hand or "upright" panel.

One of four steel reinforced feet or legs to keep the palanquin off the ground,
when put down by the bearers


Longtitudinal view of palanquin.

At the time, it was hard to know what to feel about the sad end of this palanquin, as I felt powerless to be able to do anything about its restoration. In the following days I had discussions with a number of people to see if we could come up with a rescue package.

Part of this would require researching the history of the palanquin, which is what I did on my return to Britain.

There is a strong tradition in Kerala that the palanquin was awarded to Menoen for his part in the killing of the Pazhassi or Pyche Rajah. In fact records of the correspondance clearly shows that the palanquin was awarded to him for his part in putting down the 1812 revolt in the Wayanad.

The details of the award were given in a letter dated 5th March 1813.

Extract Judicial Letter from Fort St George Dated 5th March 1813.

Para 33. In paragraph 273 of our letter from the Military Department under the date the 17th of December 181 we informed your Honourable Court that a disturbance in Wynaad which derived importance rather from the recollection of former rebellions in that district than from the number and consequence of the persons engaged in it had been immediately and completely suppressed by the exertions of the Magistrate Mr Baber and the Troops employed on the occasion.
Para 34. On reference to the proceedings noted in the margin your honourable Court will observe a report from the Magistrate which affords proof of the exertions used by him and the Natives on that occasion, and we had great satisfaction in bestowing a Palankeen with the usual allowance upon Kulpilly Kareencona Menon the Native Registrar of the Zillah Court.
We shall communicate the result of the trials of the persons apprehended and committed on account of their being concerned in that disturbance. [1]

At the time I was hoping to return to Malabar in late 2007 or 2008, and to try to see if it would be possible to get the palanquin repaired, and perhaps moved to somewhere like the Pazhassi Rajah Museum at East Hill, which already has a very fine Indian palanquin.

Other events have since intervened to delay my return.

Image my distress when today, I have received a note from my friend Manmadhan Ullattil drawing my attention to a blog published in April 2008. This blog by Chekkutty N Pudussery says that:

"Ironically, even as the people of the region were celebrating the memories of their folk hero, the authorities at Calicut University, the premier centre for higher education in the region, were busy inquiring into the mysterious circumstances in which a historic artefact, intimately connected with the history of Pazhassi Raja, has been missing from its museum. A beautifully carved palanquin, donated by the East India Company to one of its officers who helped hunt the Pazhassi Raja, kept in the museum of the University's history department, was later recovered from a nearby bush."

The full article can be read at
http://chespeak.blogspot.com/2008/04/pazhassi-raja-and-missing-palanquin.html

I wonder if the university authorities were so embarrassed that the palanquin had been allowed to become so badly damaged, that they threw it away. Or if the broken timbers were simply thrown away in a spring cleaning exercise, by staff with little or no interest in the history behind this 195 year old artifact.

If Mr. Pudussery is correct and the palanquin has been stolen, I would urge whoever has it to return it to the university.

[1] British Library, OIOC IOR /F/4/406 (10136) folio 3.
[2] See http://malabardays.blogspot.com/2007/01/day-three-14th-december-2006-interview.html

The Death of Major Cameron

On December 18 1796, the East India Company Commissioners issued a proclaimation against the Pychy [Pazhassi]Raja. This led the Raja to seek aid from his former enemy Tippoo Sultan.

Tippoo agreed to supply the Raja with ammunition and to station 6,000 of his soldiers in the Wynaad.

Colonel Dow was given command of the EIC troops tasked with defeating the Raja. His men commenced the arduous climb up the Ghats towards the upland plateau that forms the Wynaad.

The Periya Pass. [1] As can be seen from the photo below this pass with its wooded slopes, and twisting nature was an ideal place for an ambush. The pass comes down the centre of the photograph, before turning towards the bottom left hand edge of the photo.














Colonel Dow's force marched up to the Wayanad via the Tammarasseri Pass from Calicut, and then travelled across the Wynaad heading north along the line of the peaks, on top of the plateau until the force reached the head of the Periya Pass with no opposition. They were in place by the 9th of March. A second party under Lieutenant Mealey was less successful. Comprised of two companies of Sepoys, it climbed the Karkur Pass. Over three days, the 9th, 10th and 11th of March this detached had to fight its way opposed by "some thousands" of Nairs and Kuchiars. It had to retreat via the Ellacherrum Pass. One subadar, 2havildars, 2 naigues, 1 waterman and 32 sepoys were killed or missing, and 67 more wounded, including Lieutenant Millinchamp. About half the force had become casualties.

Colonel Dow had left the coastal plain with inadequate supplies, and though his forces lack of control of the passes, he was unable to get further supplies. By the time he reached the head of the Periya Pass he had only five days rations left.

Major Anderson who was expected to bring further supplies up from Cannanore and Tellicherry, found that his Mappillas guides refused to turn up. Six armed messengers arrived from Tippoo Sultan who remonstrated with Colonel Dow for his marching through the Wynaad.

At this point Colonel Dow decided to leave the force and to return to the coast. Major Cameron was left in command of the troops left at the summit of the pass.

It would appear that Major Cameron was killed on the 18^th of March 1797 whilst fighting his way down the Periah Pass.

“On the night of the following day, 18^th March, Major Cameron, left in command of 1,100 men at Periah by Colonel Dow, was forced by want of provisions to quit that post and to attempt a similar retreat by the same pass. But the enemy had by this time completed their arrangements and instead of attacking the party on the comparatively level ground above, they waited until the force had entered the pass. Both sides of it were lined by rebels, who had likewise stockaded it, and a melancholy loss occurred. Major Cameron and three other officers (Lieutenant Nugent and Ensign’s Madge and Rudderman were killed, two other officers were wounded and of the detachment “some European’s of artillery, with a considerable number of native officers and privates”, were either killed or missing. In addition to this loss of life, the detachment lost its guns, baggage, ammunition and cattle and the union colour of the battalion of Sepoys.

Major Anderson with his convoy of supplies, which Major Dow had expected to meet at or near the head of the pass on the 16^th, arrived on the ghat on the 19^th, just in time to help to carry off the wounded, of whom there were “great numbers”.

Poor Helen Cameron was already a widow by the age of 18.

[1] Periah village and pass is nowadays known as Periya. 11^O 50’ 11.36” N 75^O 50’ 08.20” E. The village is 24 miles due east of Thalassery, and 31 miles due east of Kannur The area at the top of the pass is 740 metres above sea level.

[2]William Logan’s “Malabar Manual” in two volumes.Originally published in 1887. This entry and the others in this book are taken from the 2000 edition edited by Dr. P.J. Cherian, and published by the Kerala Gazetteers Department.Volume 1, pages 517 & 518.